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Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas & Pei Shengji

The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this publication do not implythe expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of WWF concerning the legal status of anycountry, territory, city, or area of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers orboundaries. The opinions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors and do not commitany Organization.

Drawings on pages 22, 25, 30 and 31 reproduced with kind permission from “Concise flowers of theHimalaya” by Oleg Polunin and Adam Stainton. Oxford University Press India, 1990.

Cover: Meconopsis paniculata, Yildiz Aumeeruddy-Thomas

Published in 2003 by WWF

Edited by Martin WaltersDesign: Ivette FabbriLayout: Martina Höft

© WWF 2003

Recommended citation: Aumeeruddy-Thomas, Y. and Pei Shengji. 2003. Applied Ethnobotany: case-studies from the Himalayan region. People and Plants working paper 12. WWF, Godalming, UK.

An electronic version of this document can be downloaded from http://www.rbgkew.org.uk/peopleplants/wp

Authors’ addresses:

Yildiz Aumeeruddy-Thomas81 rue du Fbg Boutonnet34090 MontpellierFRANCE<[email protected]>

Pei ShengjiDepartment of EthnobotanyKunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy of SciencesHeilongtan, KunmingYunnan 650204CHINA<[email protected]>

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The People and Plants Initiative has, since 1992,developed a series of field projects aimed at find-ing appropriate conceptual frameworks, approach-es and practices for the management of plantresources, building both on indigenous local sys-tems and on scientific knowledge. Applied eth-nobotany using community-based approaches hasbeen used to address major conservation and relat-ed development issues at each site. Case-studiesgiving precise descriptions of processes, methodsand approaches have been published in the Peopleand Plants working paper series, including workundertaken in Indonesia (Aumeeruddy, 1994), atBwindi National Park, Uganda (Cunningham,1996; Wild and Mutebi, 1996), in Loita, Kenya(Maundu et al., 2001), and around Mt. Kinabalu,Sabah, Malaysia (Martin et al., 2002). This work-ing paper is a compilation of case-studies under-taken under the People and Plants UNESCO-ICI-MOD Hindu Kush-Himalaya project, the majoraim of which was to promote applied ethnobotanyin the Himalayan region and to encourage the sus-tainable management of plant resources.

It is important to emphasize that ethnobotanyhas an especially important role to play in thedevelopment of mountainous areas such as theHimalayas. People in rural Himalayan societiesare highly dependent on natural resource use, dueto isolation, and relatively poor access to arablelands. Over time, they have developed knowledgeabout the utilization of diverse biologicalresources. They also possess substantial informa-tion regarding soils, climates, vegetation types,stages of ecological succession, land use, etc., andin many cases have developed mechanisms ortechniques for maintaining biological diversity(Pei, 1994, 1998; Lama et al., 2002). Althoughthey live in remote areas, Himalayan moutaindwellers also have much ‘external knowledge’ ofthe ways and habits of neighbouring societies withwhich they have interacted for trade or for politicaland cultural reasons over centuries (Fisher, 1987).

The economic system of the Himalayanregion is characterized by self-sufficient and self-

reliant subsistence, and agroforestry based uponextremely diversified land use, bio-resources andhuman culture. This region is also characterizedby secular trade exchanges between highlandsand lower valleys.

Regenerative biological resources have beenmanaged since ancient times by local people inthe mountain regions, for agriculture, horticul-ture, animal husbandry, forestry products, herbalmedicine, hunting, rituals, cultural needs, andalmost all of their subsistence needs. For them,the mountain habitat provides a means of sur-vival, not just an area from which resources canbe exploited for short-term benefits. Over thepast two decades, however, environmental andcultural changes, and economic development inthe mountain region have accelerated, with aserious impact on its natural resources.

Practices of plant collection by local com-munities may be unsustainable and lead to overexploitation. For instance, a large number ofhouseholds in rural and remote areas of Nepaldepend on the collection of non-timber forestproducts (NTFPs), especially medicinal and aro-matic plants (MAPs) for sustaining livelihoodsthrough collection of these products for trade(Edwards, 1996; Olsen and Helles, 1997).Evidence of overexploitation by commercialcollectors has been demonstrated in Dolpo(Aumeeruddy et al., 2002) which contradicts theassumption made by Olsen (1999) that collec-tion by commercial collectors is sustainable andthat they regulate their practices, access toresources and regeneration of plant populations.There is thus a need for balancing local knowl-edge with scientific knowledge to ensure long-term planning and conservation of plantresources.

Traditional knowledge systems are hundredsor even thousands of years old, and are stillevolving. They involve not only the knowledgeof plants for medicine and food, but also includestrategies of protection for the utilization of plantresources as well as management systems.

APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGION

PEOPLE AND PLANTS WORKING PAPER 12, SEPTEMBER 2003APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGION

Y. AUMEERUDDY-THOMAS & PEI SHENGJI

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Contents1 Introduction2 Contents

5 Part 1: Resource Management in the Himalayas: case-studies compiled and lessons learned (Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas)

5 The ethnobotany of fruit plants and its role in conservation and community development in Drosh Valley, Chitral(Hindu Kush-Himalaya Region) of Pakistan, by D. F. Hussain

7 Ethnobotanical study on traditional shifting cultivation practices based on the alder tree (Alnus nepalensis) by theNaga tribes of Nagaland India, by S. Changija, A. Yaden and A. Aier

9 The use of indigenous knowledge in mountain natural resource management: a case-study of the Wancho community,Tirap District, Arunachal Pradesh, India, by A. Godbole

11 Preliminary studies in the ethnobotany of Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh, and its linkage with biodiversity, by M. K. Alam and S. K. Khisa

13 The ecology and indigenous management techniques of tribal homegardens - a case-study of the Marma tribe inRangamati Hill District, Bangladesh, by Dr M. Millat-e-Mustapha

15 A community-based case-study on the indigenous system of ‘sal’ (Shorea robusta) forest management, by S. Rajbandhary, N. Dongol and B. K. Karna

17 The application of indigenous knowledge of fodder trees in Kalikasthan, Rasuwa District, Nepal, by N. P. Manandhar and S. K. Archaya

19 General points and lessons learned

20 Part 2: Medicinal plant management: case-studies compiled andlessons learned (Pei Shengji)

20 Indigenous medicinal plants and their socio-economic and cultural significance in the Newar community of Nepal: acase-study of Bungmati VDC, Lalitpur, by M. Pokhrel, R. Shrestha and R. K. Sharma

23 Ethno-medicobotanical studies of the Gurung community of Bichuar Village in the Lamjung District of Nepal, by I. Shrestha

24 Indigenous knowledge of the Qiang community about the conservation and development of ethnomedical plants inMaoxian County of Western Sichuan, China, by Wu Ning

27 A study of the ethnobotany and conservation of Podophyllum hexandrum, Diphylleia sinensis and Fritillaria cirrhosain the Zhongdian Tibetan Autonomous County in Yunnan, China, by Hu Zhihao and Qi Shunhua

29 An ethnobotanical survey of the propagation of rare medicinal herbs by small farmers in the buffer zone of the Valleyof Flowers National Park, Chamoli, Garhwal Himalaya, India, by C. P. Kala

31 General points and lessons learned

34 General disscusion

36 References38 Annex

PEOPLE AND PLANTS WORKING PAPER 12, SEPTEMBER 2003APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGIONY. AUMEERUDDY-THOMAS & PEI SHENGJI

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In this respect, ethnobotany will play animportant role in the future in documenting anddescribing traditional knowledge about medici-nal and edible plants, and their uses in differentecological zones and human Himalayan societiesas well as at the global level (Pei, 1996).

This paper aims to show how applied eth-nobotany may lead to a better understanding ofresource management in this region. The authorsof this working paper have attempted to drawlessons based on their own understanding ofresource use management in the Himalayas.

EthnobotanyWhat is it?

Ethnobotany is a multi-disciplinary scienceencompassing botany, anthropology, economics,and linguistics, which studies the ways in whicha society relates to its environment. These rela-tionships can be social, economic, symbolic, reli-gious, commercial, and artistic.

Ethnobotany was originally based largely onqualitative methods such as inventories of plantsand their uses, with a major focus on the eco-nomic importance of plants. This approach islargely associated with colonial periods in west-ern countries when explorers and scientists had amajor interest in finding new plant resources(Davis, 1991; Schultes and von Reis, 1995).

Ethnobotany moved on to the understandingof knowledge systems through the use of anthro-pological methods and the work of Conklin(1954, 1957) who coined the word ‘ethno-sciences’, and the work of the famous anthropol-ogist Levi Strauss (1962) which highlighted thestructural relationships between each society andits environment, followed by the work of manyother anthropologists such as Berlin et al. (1974)and Ford (1978). Further avenues were exploredby other researchers who began to develop quan-titative methods for estimating amounts of prod-ucts used, the distribution of useful species, orthe relative importance of different values ofproducts to people (Prance et al., 1987; Phillipsand Gentry, 1993 a and b; Caballero, 1992; Höftet al., 1999). Besides developing quantitativemethods, ethnobotany has moved towards awider approach, including other aspects of thenatural world. Ethnobotanists quite often identifythemselves more and more as ethnobiologists orethnoecologists because these disciplines offermore opportunities to analyse human interactionswith the overall environment as well as people’srelation to external factors such as the impact oftrade systems on local economies and ways oflife (Lama et al., 2002).

Traditional management systems and theirrelationships to larger economic systems havebeen the subject of numerous studies using eth-

nobiological methods (Johnson, 1980; Brush,1980; Alcorn, 1984; Altieri et al., 1987; Baléeand Gely 1989; Aumeeruddy, 1994; Pei andSajise, 1995). All these studies give much atten-tion to conservation practices underlying localpractices, local institutional background, con-flicts of worldviews and value systems.

Since 1992, the People and Plants initiativehas coined the phrase ‘applied ethnobotany’which actually relates to studies and methodswhich enable work with the knowledge holdersin a participatory way, to analyse knowledgeand set up improved management systemswhich build on local sets of practices and socialdynamics (Martin, 1995; Hamilton, 1997;Cunningham, 2001). Applied ethnobotany alsostrives to bridge the gap between traditionalknowledge and scientific knowledge and tounderstand the relationships between local prac-tices and knowledge systems and policies, rulesand economic trends at the national and interna-tional level. Work in applied ethnobotany in theHimalayas relates to the study of agroecosys-tems and shifting cultivation, medicinal andnon-timber forest product (NTFP) management(Jain, 1996; Shinwari et al., 1996; Shrestha et al.,1998, Pei et al., 1997) and the cultural dimensionof resource use (Pei, 1994). The most recentwork in applied ethnobotany in the Himalayanregion is a comprehensive case-study undertakenby WWF Nepal at Shey Phoksundo NationalPark. This explores the relationship between tra-ditional health-care systems and plant conserva-tion, and demonstrates how local knowledge maybe used to develop new creative managementsystems (Lama et al., 2002).

Why is it important?

The contribution of applied ethnobotany isnot limited to pure science, but has an importantrole to play in understanding the dynamic rela-tionships between biological diversity and socialand cultural systems and their development.

Ethnobotanists are in a position to collabo-rate with a network of people from different cul-tural and social contexts, including academics,NGO workers, and government agencies, andcan transcribe the knowledge of those who areactually the local knowledge-holders. The role ofethnobotanists is therefore to bring a larger per-spective, whilst remaining open about how theknowledge recorded will be used in the future. Itis important that results are shared with the com-munities at every stage of the research process.Participation as described by Pimbert and Pretty(1995) lies at many different levels, and ethnob-otanists should therefore decide jointly with theknowledge-holders what levels of participationare actually most appropriate in order to reachagreed objectives and prior consent as how therecorded knowledge will be used.

PEOPLE AND PLANTS WORKING PAPER 12, SEPTEMBER 2003APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGION


Ethnobotany as an interdisciplinary scienceis in a position to contribute much to plant con-servation. This includes a precise understandingof local social dynamics, institutions, and differ-ent values attributed to resources. These valuesmay be symbolic, religious or political for agiven society, whilst the same plant resourcesmay represent only an economic value for othersocieties or for other social groups within thesame society (Aumeeruddy, 1994). Maximumeffort should be made to document and integrateindigenous knowledge about land use, vegetationand forest management, non-timber forest prod-ucts, medicinal plants, agroforestry, home-gar-dens, swidden agriculture, and biodiversity.

Ethnobotanical approaches enable the estab-lishment of close dialogue and communicationwith local people, and may ultimately facilitatethe elaboration of management plans whichensure participation by local people and avoidhaving an adverse impact on their life and theirenvironment (Martin, 1995; Pei and Sajise 1995;Cunningham, 2001).

The Hindu Kush-HimalayaEthnobotany ProjectThe Hindu Kush-Himalaya Ethnobotany Projectstarted in July 1995 as a joint operation of theUNESCO People and Plants programme and ICI-MOD (the International Centre for IntegratedMountain Development) with funds-in-trust fromDANIDA (the Danish Agency for DevelopmentAssistance), for a duration of three years.

The Hindu Kush-Himalaya EthnobotanyProject had three major functions: providingtraining, supporting small case-studies, and net-working.

The project emphasized the application ofethnobotany in community development andconservation. Over three years (1995-1998), thefollowing interrelated activities were carried out:(a) organization of field training workshops on

ethnobotany and the sustainable use ofplant resources at a national and sub-regional level, and the publication of pro-ceedings as resource material;

(b) provision of small grants to young ethnob-otanists and research institutions to facili-tate their involvement in community devel-opment programmes;

(c) provision of small grants to graduate stu-dents for field research in ethnobotany andthe sustainable use of plant resources;

(d) provision of travel grants to youngresearchers from all over the region inorder to facilitate greater professional inter-action and exchange.A thematic approach was adopted for

addressing important issues at the interface of

conservation and community development. Thisencompassed work in the following broad areas:(a) cultural context of natural resource man-

agement;(b) over-exploitation of high-value non-timber

forest products, including medicinal plants;(c) traditional agroforestry systems;(d) people/protected area interface.

The major thrust of the project has been onhuman resource development. The training inethnobotanical methods of young researchersand workers involved in conservation and com-munity development programmes at the fieldlevel was the most important objective of theproject’s first phase.

Six, week-long training workshops onapplied ethnobotany were attended by nearly twohundred participants. In addition, more thantwenty-five investigators have been involved inthe small grants and case-studies, and the result-ing projects have contributed to a greater under-standing and recognition of various aspects of theethnobotanical knowledge of the people (see ref-erences of workshop proceedings in Annex).

Furthermore, over the three-year duration ofthe project, an informal regional network of eth-nobotanists, conservationists, researchers, devel-opment workers and protected area managers hasgrown to more than 300 co-operating partici-pants who are involved in exchange of informa-tion through publications, workshops and otherchannels.

Case-studiesDescriptions of all the case-studies which werecarried out were compiled by the authors andwere based on the original reports (for which fullreferences are given in the Annex). The discus-sion of the lessons learned from these case-stud-ies is important in order to improve future workin the subject area and to examine how ethnob-otany can actually contribute to the analysis ofcommunity-based management systems, particu-larly medicinal plant resources.

The impact of socio-cultural, economic andenvironmental changes on the traditional use andmanagement of medicinal plants is discussed, asare the possibilities for further projects whichcould benefit community development and con-servation in the region. However, because timeand available funds are limited for these case-studies, this project is more of a learning processthan standardized research. For more detailsregarding the ethnobotanical methods used inthese case-studies and suggestions for applica-tions in the Hindu Kush-Himalayas, refer to acompanion discussion paper by Ajay Rastogi(1998).

4 PEOPLE AND PLANTS WORKING PAPER 12, SEPTEMBER 2003APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGIONY. AUMEERUDDY-THOMAS & PEI SHENGJI

Resource management in the Himalayas: case-studies compiled

and lessons learnedYildiz Aumeeruddy-Thomas

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1The ethnobotany of fruit plants and its role in conservation andcommunity development in Drosh Valley, Chitral (HinduKush-Himalaya Region) of Pakistan, by Dr F. Hussain

Highlights of the study

At the southern fringe of Central Asia, at thenorthernmost tip of Pakistan, lies the District ofChitral. It lies between longitude 71°30’ and74°55’ east and between latitudes 35°15’ to36°55’ north. It is bounded by Afghanistan to thenorth and west, by Ghizir District to the east, andby Swat and Dir Districts to the south.

The major aim of this study was to analyselocal knowledge and practices about fruit treeswith a view to understanding the scope oforchard development in this area.

A total of 728 respondents belonging to 36villages were interviewed. The majority of themwere in the age groups 21-40 and 41-60. Most ofthem were either illiterate or had only primaryeducation. No women were included in thegroups because of the veil system or shyness.The following six wild fruit plants were knownto the local community: (1) Diospyros lotus,(2) Eleagnus angustifolia,(3) Vitis vinifera,(4) Prunus dulcis,(5) Monotheca buxifolia and(6) Ficus palmata.

There were 19 cultivated species in the area,and most appeared in at least two varieties. Forgrapes, the number of local varieties wasbetween 10 and 20. The knowledge of therespondents was analysed by the method of free-listing. It was found that the age groups between21 and 40 and 41 and 60 were the most knowl-

edgeable. The majority of them knew 4-8 fruits,while 3% of the respondents could list 11-12fruits. Knowledge was related to educational sta-tus, and the illiteracy rate was 35%.

Ranking methods were used to analyse thefruits most preferred by the populations. The cri-teria used included good flavour, medical valueand contribution to health in general, suitabilityto climatic conditions, yield, price, storage life,as well as possible use of wood for furniture andconstruction. Grapes and apples were consideredthe best fruits, followed by pomegranate, walnut,‘tonge’ (pear), apricot, mulberry, and ‘nashpati’(pear).

Agronomic practices such as propagation,the pruning and picking of fruits, use of agro-chemicals for protection against insects, diseasesand pests, the role of grazing animals, and the useof commercial fertilizers and organic manurewere analysed. Post-harvesting methods, such asstorage and drying, were also explored. A lowpercentage of respondents used agrochemicals,commercial fertilizers and organic manure forfruit plants. No preservatives were used duringthe storage and drying of fruits. The agronomicpart of the work was mainly done by men, whilethe storage and drying of fruits were carried outby women.

The majority of the locals sold the fruits infresh and dried condition either themselves, neartheir houses or on the roadside, or in the nearbygrocery shops. A few sold to shopkeepers in themain bazaars and fruit markets. The fruits weresold ungraded.

5PEOPLE AND PLANTS WORKING PAPER 12, SEPTEMBER 2003APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGION


Many local preparations such as desserts,herbal medicine, food, syrups, wines, and top-pings were made from fruits. Walnut and mul-berry wood was used in furniture-making, whilethose of other species were used as beams, fire-wood, thatching materials, and for making shedsor shelters. The leaves of most fruit plants wereused as fodder, while dead leaves were com-posted into organic manure.

There was a keen interest shown in the intro-duction of new tree species and good varieties offruits as well as training in post-harvest tech-nologies i.e. the preservation, drying and packingof fruits. More information was also neededregarding the fruit market and industry, but themajority of respondents were in favour of devel-oping crop-cultivation areas in comparison tofruit cultivation (probably because of the quickreturns for crops). The area needs improvementin the communication system, the construction ofroads and irrigation canals, and in educationaland health facilities.

Societal changes over the last 30-40 yearsshow that the younger generations are beginningto place more trust for their livelihood in moderndevelopments rather than in the traditionalresources, hence beginning a process of knowl-edge erosion in the area.

Lessons learnedThis case-study successfully reveals an area ofPakistan which has a high potential for fruit culti-vation and a rich local knowledge about fruit tree

management, both in terms of pre-harvest (culti-vation, propagation, pruning, etc.) and post-har-vest techniques. However the whole systemseems to be declining. One reason for this is thathigher-yielding varieties of fruit plants are replac-ing older varieties, although it is probable that theexisting varieties are better adapted to local con-ditions. They could possibly be used as stock forgrafting new varieties, and the grafted plantscould then be provided to the people in Chitral.Another factor contributing to the decline is theproblem of poor communications (roads), marketfacilities, and lack of support from agriculturalextension services. This is therefore mostly anissue of national policy and priorities.

This type of study may help in terms of thebetter recognition of local potential. A lack ofrecognition of local potential at the nationallevel would eventually lead to the genetic ero-sion of the local fruit tree varieties of Chitral andto the related knowledge systems, and hence to aloss of material for improving fruit trees inPakistan in general. In order to ensure that thewhole system evolves in the future, both record-ing of local knowledge and its continuing sup-port are essential.

Ethnobotanists may be instrumental in thiscontext through developing guidelines for thesetting-up of community-based nurseries andgardens, with proper identification of the treevarieties and linking to central agricultural insti-tutions such as the NARC (National AgriculturalResearch Council) for developing these tree vari-eties ex situ.

Fruit orchards in the Swat valley, a very similar situation to the adjoining Drosh valley in Northern Pakistan. Photo: Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas


2Ethnobotanical study on traditional shifting cultivation prac-tices based on the alder tree (Alnus nepalensis), by the Nagatribes of Nagaland India, by S. Changija, A. Yaden and A. Aier


This ethnobotanical study on the use of alder bythe Naga tribes of Nagaland was carried out withthe objective of making a detailed survey of localpractices related to the improvement of soil con-servation and fertility in shifting cultivation sys-tems (‘jhum’).

Nagaland is one of the frontier states ofIndia. It is flanked by Myanmar in the east,Assam State in the west and north, and ManipurState in the south. The climate is monsoonal,with an average rainfall of 2,500 mm per yearand 85% relative humidity. The relief is moun-tainous, with relatively steep slopes, deep gorges,and narrow valleys. Land status in the state is asfollows: 7% of the geographical area is undergovernment controland the rest is underthe control of tribalcommunities.

The state isinhabited by theNagas, a mongoloidgroup, of which 16different sub-groupsare officially recog-nized, havingdiverse linguisticbackgrounds. Thesociety is organizedinto clans, which areexogamous units.

The most com-mon form of agri-culture in the area is‘s lash-and-burn’agriculture called‘jhum’. It is esti-mated that 7,200 sq km of the state area is undercultivation, i.e. 43.3% of the total area, with anannual increase of about 750 sq km. The secondtype of agricultural system is wet rice cultivation,which is restricted to a relatively small areawhich has potential for cultivation - 1,790 sq kmfor the whole state.

Indigenous agroforestry systems are alsopracticed by the Nagas in the form of bambooand palm groves mixed with various fruit andtimber tree species. The main purpose of theagriculture is to sustain livelihood systems; how-ever, social prestige is claimed on the accumula-tion of sufficient surplus to afford large feasts.Three types of land ownership system are found:

village land administered by the village council,clan land, and individual land.

The methods used for investigation were:mapping the alder-growing area in the wholestate; identification of all species associated withthe alder-based farming system; and the collec-tion of ethnobotanical, socio-economic andanthropological data through field observationsand semi-structured and structured interviews.Analyses of soil samples from alder-based farmswere carried out as well as biomass analysis ofalder coppice production.

Alder grows in the high altitudes of thenorthern temperate belt. Alnus nepalensis fixesnitrogen by forming symbiotic associations withthe nitrogen-fixing bacterium Frankia. It isdrought- and frost-resistant, and is found on slop-

ing ground from 800-2,500 meters, growing on awide range of soils. It coppices readily (100-200coppice shoots per tree), and coppicing encour-ages suckering. Alder is a pioneer species ofdegraded land.

As the study shows, it is a multi-purposespecies used as a shade tree, for timber and fur-niture, and as firewood. The leaves and twigsmake an excellent green manure, the ash isspread as fertiliser in the ‘jhum’ fields, the thickbark is used for extracting a dye for clothes, thejuice of young bark is medicinal, mushrooms andborers growing on the wood are eaten, and thelarva of the long-horned beetle which colonizesthe twigs is a delicacy for the Nagas.

The 'jhum' shifting cultivation system with lopped Alnus nepalensis in Nagaland. Photo: A. Rastogi



Alder-based farming is typically managed infour- to ten-year cycles in Nagaland. Alder treesare either protected or planted, and a wide varia-tion in individual tree age has been created with-in alder stands.

Alder displays other characteristics noted bylocal farmers: the wood is easy to split and can beburnt the next day after cutting, the stumps arerelatively fire-resistant, and cultivation areasunderneath alder trees always give better yieldsthan those where there is no alder.

The process of alder-based ‘jhum’ cultiva-tion is outlined below. The alder in a ‘jhum’ plotis pollarded just before slash-and-burn, and inter-cropping with a number of food crops is con-ducted for two consecutive years. The ‘jhum’plot is then left to recover for at least two years.The most appropriate height for pollarding isabout two meters; this is out of the reach of ani-mals, is above the fire level and does not hamperthe growth of the crops. A sharp hatchet is need-ed to cut the trunk the first time the tree is pol-larded, so as not to split the stool head. It is thenplastered with mud, and a stone stab placed ontop to prevent the head from sustaining frostdamage, and to orient the shoots in a more hori-zontal direction. According to practitioners, it isnot advisable to keep the coppice shoots longerthan six years because the weight of old coppiceshoots affects the stump during periods of highwinds. After the first pollarding, it is also advis-able during the next winter season to carry outselective thinning of the coppice shoots in orderto keep only about six shoots growing. Aldertrees may be associated with a large number ofcrops. A total of 60 crop species have beenrecorded growing in alder-based ‘jhum’ cultiva-tion. Many wild vegetables and fruit-bearingplants are also conserved on the field, includinguseful tree and palm species such as Livistona

jenkinsiana, bamboos, species of Caryota, peren-nial vegetables, and medicinal and ornamentalplants. The fast growth of alder controls the suc-cession of other species, and the need for weed-ing is kept to a minimum.

The net income over two years is 18,711Rps,which is a comparatively higher rate than that ofnon alder-based ‘jhum’ fields in Nagaland state.

Lessons learnedThis study is important as it very clearly showshow the use of Alnus nepalensis can actuallyimprove the shifting cultivation system in thisregion. Since this species is widespread through-out the Himalayas, this could represent a goodmodel for other areas. From a purely agriculturalperspective it does indeed seem more efficientthan a non alder-based system. However, thisstudy does not show the benefits of non-’jhum’systems in terms of, for example, non-timberproducts and hunting, and the expansion of alder-based cultivation systems could in the long runaffect the useful biodiversity of the area. Indeed,as has been pointed out in this study, the quickgrowth of alder controls the succession of otherspecies. Ideally, complex agroforestry systemsincluding all useful species should be developedside-by-side, as this would prevent the erosion ofuseful products in the area.

Ethnobotanists could help in this context inassessing jointly with local communities the use-ful biodiversity and interrelationship with habitatand other non-useful species, discuss with thecommunities the relevance of these products totheir livelihood, and jointly plan a model of landuse which includes alder-based ‘jhum’ systems,permanent agroforestry systems and intensifiedirrigated agricultural lands as well as communi-ty-protected forests.

Alnus nepalensis in ‘jhum’ shifting cultivation systems in Nagaland. Photo: Pei Shengji


3The use of indigenous knowledge in mountain natural resourcemanagement: a case-study of the Wancho community, TirapDistrict, Arunachal Pradesh, India, by A. Godbole

Highlights of the studyThis case-study aims at documenting the indige-nous knowledge and related resource managementsystem of the Wancho tribes living in the south-eastern corner of Arunachal Pradesh, as well asidentifying the factors affecting biodiversity andindigenous knowledge systems in that area.

Arunachal Pradesh is India’s most easternprovince, and is characterized by its remotenessand its very high biological and cultural diversi-ty (about 30-35 major ethnic groups). This workon the Wancho tribal community is an effort tounderstand the complex mechanisms involved innatural resource management and to find out howthese systems could be used effectively intoday’s context. A multi-method approach hasbeen adopted, including participant observation,informal survey along transect walks and in thevillages, biodiversity inventory, resource map-ping, and the quantification of ethnobotanicalknowledge through the method of pair-wiseranking.

Shifting cultivation, locally called ‘zang’and more widely known in this region as ‘jhum’,is the major subsistence activity of the Wanchosas well as of most other tribal groups of north-east India. The major problems identified in thearea are: a high rate of deforestation presumablydue to population growth, and a reduction in thecycle of shifting cultivation (eight to ten yearsinstead of ten to twelve years); depletion of firstclass timber species from Wancho territories dueto commercial timber exploitation; the fact thatthe practice of ‘honeyem’ (a traditional practicewhich involves maintaining fuelwood species ofgood quality in the fallows) is declining; and thespread of Christianity and tribal developmentpractices which is affecting the culture andresource use system.

The following land-use systems are found inthe Wancho tribal areas: ‘jhum’ cultivated andfallow areas, wet rice-cultivated terraces, home-gardens (‘sawat’), opium plots, and communityforests (‘lings’).

The study conducted in one village, Zadua,shows that the Wanchos are maintaining a ten-year ‘jhum’ cycle, which is a sufficient time toallow biodiversity to recover in the successionalvegetation phases, and which also allows recov-ery of soil fertility. In rice terraces, only one cropis produced in a year, and terraces are used as

fishponds during the three to four months afterrice harvesting. Opium cultivation is an impor-tant economic activity, though the product ismostly used at the household level.

In Zadua, the decision regarding the selec-tion of resource areas for ‘jhum’ is taken by thecommunity with consent of the ‘wangham’ (vil-lage customary chief) and his council. Certainrituals are performed as part of the selection pro-cedure. The criteria for selection are based on thematurity of fallow, an understanding of the pre-vious ‘jhum’ cycles, and the distance of theresource area from the village. The practicecalled ‘honeyem’ consists of keeping theseedlings of two species, ‘puak’ (Macarangadenticulata) and ‘puakmi’ (Mallotustetracoccus), to grow in the rice fields during thesecond year of ‘jhum’ cultivation. The advan-tages of this practice according to local percep-tions are the following: it increases soil fertility,checks soil erosion, and produces good fuelwoodand timber within four to five years.

‘Jhum’ fallows are sometimes transformedinto palm groves called ‘loham’, especially withLivistona jenkinsiana, a most useful species (theleaves are used for thatching). Similarly, well-developed bamboo groves are maintained aroundthe village, mainly on individual lands.

Five community forests are located withinthe Zadua village territory and represent a majorsource of timber, fuelwood, game, and non-tim-ber forest products. These forests are strictlyunder the control of the village council, exceptfor small patches which may be owned individu-ally. Logging and large-scale extraction are notallowed in the community forests though timberextraction seems to have occurred more recently.The role of these community forests is also toavoid disputes between different communities;they are also burial grounds. Some twelvespecies of mammal are found in these forests, aswell as numerous bird species.

The role of women in resource managementhas been explored. Though they are not represent-ed in the village council and have no formal deci-sion-making power, they are much more involvedin resource management than the men. Womenare solely responsible for all the activities, exceptcutting for ‘jhum’ cultivation and transporting har-vests to the village. Women also do most of theterrace cultivation. On the other hand, it is mostlymen who are involved in opium cultivation.



Through the method of free-listing, it wasfound that 42 species used for fuelwood areknown by the women. Preferences for specificfuelwood species were analysed by the method ofpair-wise ranking. This is a fastidious and time-consuming method, based on criteria selected, bywomen, in a preliminary phase. The criteria areavailability, heat-producing capacity, burningtime, and light-producing capacity. The highestranking was given to three species: ‘gnut’(Dendrocalamus species), ‘puak’ (Macarangadenticulata), and ‘puakmi’ (Mallotustetracoccus).

Major changes affecting biodiversity and itsrelated knowledge systems are outlined below.There are changes in land-use systems in thatsome areas for ‘jhum’ are being transformed intoplantations for tea, a cash crop. A traditional typeof club known as a ‘morung’ has long beenimportant as a place where young boys, and adultand elderly men would gather for the transfer ofknowledge and art and to take part as a group incommunity work. Today, the role of these ‘clubs’is fading, and they are sometimes used for gam-

bling or smoking. Tribal welfare schemes alsohave an impact today as they can introduce prac-tices which are not necessarily appropriate tolocal conditions, such as the introduction ofchicken hybrids which are highly susceptible todiseases. Due to the need for more cash income,timber is now extracted at a larger scale thanbefore, thus endangering the very existence ofthe community forests and important productsavailable during periods of scarcity.

The main recommendations from this studyare: to introduce more cash-oriented crops intothe ‘jhum’ system; and to support and developthe ‘morung’ as a means of raising awarenessamong the Wanchos of the importance of theirown knowledge system. This would also help tofacilitate dialogue with project-implementingagencies. Other species can be introduced basedon the ‘honeyem’ system. Community forestsdegraded due to the logging of timber should bereplanted with local species such as Duabangagrandiflora and fast-growing timber species suchas Gmelina arborea. The practice of ‘loham’ andthe plantation of bamboo groves are proving tobe very complementary to ‘jhum’ and should notbe abandoned.

Lessons learnedThis study shows the importance of indigenousknowledge systems in the management of‘jhum’. It is also useful in demonstrating thecomplementary aspects of other land use sys-tems such as ‘loham’, bamboo groves, and com-munity forests.

Through addressing the role of women inagriculture, it shows that they are the primaryworkers in agriculture, and therefore represent aparticular target group to work with in the future.As pointed out by the study, ‘morung’ are impor-tant places for the transfer of knowledge, but areonly for men. Understanding how these practicesare affected in the modern context enables us tothink of possible avenues for the future.

Future work by ethnobotanists could concen-trate on modes of knowledge-transfer amongwomen, and on the creation of a forum wherebywomen can express their opinions on their preciseneeds as a group, without too much interferencefrom men. Specific study methods for understand-ing women’s knowledge still need to be devised,and these need to be less time-consuming aswomen are generally too busy with everydaytasks. Two major ways of working with womenare with ‘participant observation’ or in specialgroup workshops which are appropriately sched-uled according to their timetable during the yearand use a number of methods and exercises whichdefine in advance the possible concrete outputs.

Store of fuelwood originating from shifting cultivationareas in Arunachal Pradesh. Photo: A. Rastogi


4Preliminary studies in the ethnobotany of Chittagong HillTracts, Bangladesh, and its linkage with biodiversity, by M. K. Alam and S. K. Khisa


The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region islocated in the south-east corner of Bangladeshand lies between 21°25’ and 23°45’ north lati-tude and between 91°40’ and 92°50’ east longi-tude. The area is characterized by its hilly reliefand high ethnic diversity. Ten major ethnicgroups are recognized to be living in the area.The traditional utilization of biologically diverseresources in the hill region is related to thediverse use pattern. This study aims to under-stand the indigenous knowledge system and howit relates to biodiversity resource management.

The methods used to explore the indigenousknowledge are: semi-structured interviews in thefield with small groups of people including menand women; indoor or village level free-listingexercises to list all species known in each usecategory (timber, fruit trees, ‘jhum’ species etc.);village market surveys; surveys of species grow-ing on the homestead; and collections of herbar-ium voucher specimens.

The results of the investigation show thatsome 185 species from 60 families were found tobe used for different purposes. These speciesrange from Pteridophytes to Gymnosperms, andAngiosperms including both Dicotyledons andMonocotyledons. Specific use categories are:fruits, leaf and shoot vegetables, fuelwood, houseposts, furniture, and health-care.

A study of the folk taxonomy reveals thathill people use different nomenclature or terms toindicate different categories of plants accordingto growth habit, habitat, and part used. Thus, suf-fixes are added to plant names to indicate theirutility or where they grow or what part of theplant is used.

For example, the Chakma tribe uses the suf-fix ‘lodi’, and the Marma tribe the suffix‘noi’/’nui’ to indicate that a plant is a climber.The following words in Chakma may be associ-ated to the name of a plant in order to determineits characteristics: ‘mura’ (hill), ‘jhar’or ‘tarum’(forest), ‘jhum’ (shifting cultivation), ‘brikkha’(tree), ‘jhoop’ (shrub), ‘chotogach’ (herb), ‘shag’(leaf vegetable), ‘lodi’ (climber), ‘dhela’(branch), ‘phul’ (flower), ‘gola’ (fruit), ‘shigor’(root), ‘dhan’ (paddy), ‘baj’ (bamboo), ‘darboa’

(fuelwood), ‘daru’ (medicine), ‘mida’ (sweet),‘tida’ (bitter), ‘khoro’ (sour), ‘mod’ (countryliquor).

In the same way, a whole set of differentterms have been analysed as used in the Maraand Tripura tribes. Local taxa may differ fromscientific taxa. The Tripura tribe for instance dif-ferentiates four taxa of plantain bananas accord-ing to a set of characteristics including habitat,height, clump size and number of off-sets, pseu-dostem sheath, position of fruiting bunch, leaftexture, flowering period, taste of inflorescenceand pith. These taxa are locally called: ‘tampoi-thali’, ‘jati-thali’, ‘liarang-thali’, ‘jati-laiphengthali’. The texture of leaf laminas andthe extent to which they split easily are alsoimportant characteristics as the leaves are usedfor making plates and for wrapping. Scientificstudies in the past, however, differentiated onlytwo taxa of wild plantain: Musa sapientum var.sylvestris, and M. ornata.

Local perceptions were analysed in order todistinguish the criteria governing the choice ofeach category of wild plant used by the localtribes. These criteria are the following:(a) fruit: sweet and acidic taste (they generally

eat most fruits eaten by monkeys, squirrelsand birds);

(b) edible fruits, leaves and shoots: tenderness,not acrid, low fibre content, no bad smell,containing essential oils (it is generallythought that leaves eaten by cattle and buf-falos are edible);

(c) fuelwood species: ease of felling (splitseasily, dries quickly, burns uniformly withlittle smoke and no sparks from the char-coal);

(d) fuelwood species: not prone to attack bytermites during storage and not containingants;

(e) house posts: should have a straight bole, beeasy to fell and should not be prone toinsect attack;

(f) furniture-making: should be light to moder-ately heavy, with a straight grain, be easy towork, and have natural colours;

(g) medicine: plants should have a bitter taste,mucilaginous properties and/or soft-tex-tured leaves.



A variety of trees grow in the homesteadarea. These include fruit trees, timber trees, anddifferent species grown for obtaining housingmaterials, such as bamboos. A number of plantsproducing spices, tubers and beans are alsofound.

An important tree-felling practice related tobiodiversity-management was recorded. Treesare always cut for ‘jhum’ above 1-1.5 m. Thereasons for this are that stumps at this heightdevelop better coppice shoots which remain outof reach of animal browsing, boles developedfrom coppice shoots are straight, and stumpsalong with newly-developed shoots can be usedas supports for yams and other creeping vegeta-bles. This practice helps in the quick develop-ment of secondary forest from coppices when the‘jhum’ field is abandoned after cultivation.

Previous studies by Khisa also showed thatsome species are not felled when encountered inthe ‘jhum’ fields. This also contributes to quickregeneration, and controls soil erosion. There areother reasons for keeping trees in the ‘jhumfields’, including religious belief (particularlyassociated with Ficus species), for keeping astock of seeds which will facilitate regeneration,to improve the growth of paddy and other annu-al crops (Albizzia and Derris particularly), andfor providing resting places, in the case of largespecimens.

‘Jhum’ cultivation is important in terms ofbiodiversity-management from the point of viewof wild crop domestication; some twelve speciesof Dioscorea are grown in the Chittagong Hills.In the ‘jhum’ agroecosystem, maintenance ofbiodiversity is also due to the fact that peoplecollect a large number of products in differenthabitats and at different seasons. Small amountsof each product can be collected without puttingtoo much pressure on the resource.

Lessons learnedThis study shows that local biodiversity percep-tions can be understood through the analysis oflocal nomenclature and vernacular classifica-tions. Too often it is assumed, in studies of localknowledge systems, that a simple list of speciesknown to the population will adequately describelocal knowledge. However, only through theanalysis of local nomenclature can a precisevision of the local perception and use of biodi-versity be attained. Moreover, as is shown in thisstudy, the recording of criteria on which localpreferences are based can reveal local rationalebased, in turn, on practical aspects, which mayalso be related to religious or cultural beliefs.

Finally, this study shows that precisedescriptions of local practices (such as the fellingsystem of trees in this area) which may at firstsight not be understood are appropriate to localconditions.

The important point about this type of studyin Bangladesh is that it is innovative and shedsnew light on the usefulness of tribal practices.Conducting this type of study in the future mayhelp to change national policies.

Meanwhile, sharing the results of theresearch with the communities may also helpthem to acquire a sense of pride regarding theirknowledge, which might in the past have beenconsidered primitive and inappropriate.


5The ecology and indigenous management techniques of tribalhomegardens - a case-study of the Marma tribe in RangamatiHill District, Bangladesh, by Dr M. Millat-e-Mustapha

Highlights of the studyThe Rangamati Hill district of Chittagong HillTracts is one of the major hilly regions ofBangladesh. The district covers an area of6,116.13 sq km, has a total population of 0.401million, and is inhabited by twelve ethnic com-munities of different cultures and lifestyles. Thetribal population represents about 56% of thetotal population. This case-study is based on theassumption that tribal community knowledge ofthe species and their uses represents an importantresource in itself and is now recognized as sig-nificant for scientific research, biodiversity con-servation, and the development of alternativeeconomic options.

Agriculture represents the main productionsystem among the tribal communities.Agricultural areas are used variously for ‘jhum’cultivation, flat croplands, and homegardens.This case-study looks at how local indigenousknowledge is applied in the management ofhomegardens. The Marma tribe, which is the sec-ond biggest tribe in the district, has been chosento conduct this study. The Hapchori communityin the sub-district of Kaptai was chosen random-ly for the study site.

A preliminary socio-economic survey, basedon a structured questionnaire, was carried out inorder to determine socio-economic parameters ofthe study village and to select respondents fordetailed survey. Based on total annual income,farmers were categorized into three groups: rich(income more than Tk 50,000); medium (incomeTk 36,000-50,000); and poor (income less thanTk 36,000). Ten homegardens were sampled ran-domly from each of the farm categories in whichvegetation surveys were conducted, by listingspecies present. A tree-use matrix was then usedwith each farmer and his family. This was fol-lowed by a semi-structured interview, with ques-tions related to:(a) origin and type of planting materials (cut-

tings, seedlings, seeds, etc.) found in thehomegarden;

(b) criteria for the selection of mother trees;(c) other management practices such as weed-

ing, lopping, pruning, thinning, coppicing,pollarding, manuring, and watering.Daily activity and seasonal calendars were

also used to assess overall activities and gender-specific ones.

The results of this study show that ‘jhum’ isthe major agricultural activity in the area in asso-ciation with the collection of non-timber forestproducts. However, due to shortage of land, the‘jhum’ fields are used on a continuous five to sixyear cycle. The size of the homegardens is inde-pendent of the respondents’ annual income,which is mostly based on the size of the ‘jhum’land to which they have access. This may varyfrom 9 ha for the richest to 1 ha for the poorest.In all cases, homegarden size is about 0.02 ha.The size of flat croplands varies from 0.25 ha forthe richest to 0.04 ha for the poorest members ofthe community. All the respondents of the poorfarm category and 30% of the medium farm cat-egory reported that they were deficient in rice forsome period during the year. Income from thesale of timber/fuelwood was a major activity dur-ing this period.

A total of 19 perennial species was recordedfrom the set of 30 homegardens surveyed.Among these, 13 (69%) were food and fruit-pro-ducing species, five (26%) were timber species,and one (5%) was an ornamental. A pair-rankingexercise with ten common species includingAegle marmelos, Areca catechu, Bambusa vul-garis, Carica papaya, Citrus grandis, Cocosnucifera, Gmelina arborea, Hibiscus rosa-sinen-sis, Moringa oleifera and Tamarindus indica,showed that Gmelina arborea was the most pre-ferred species, followed by Cocos nucifera,Areca catechu, Carica papaya, and Bambusavulgaris.

The plants were raised either from seeds,seedlings, or vegetative propagules. Seeds weresown purposely for some species and collectedfrom other species which regenerated naturally,for example teak. Most of the fruit and food-pro-ducing and timber species were propagated fromseeds and seedlings. Only Moringa oleifera,Bambusa vulgaris and Hibiscus rosa-sinensiswere propagated vegetatively. As far as the sup-ply of planting material is concerned, farmersdepend on three different sources: hill, homegar-den, and market. Almost three quarters of theplanting material is obtained free from homegar-dens, hills, or as gifts from friends. No specificmother tree was sought by the farmer when seek-ing planting material. Weeding was carried out inthe homegarden in order to clear the ground andthus decrease encounters with snakes and poiso-nous insects.



Harvesting medicinal plants. Well preserved forest is of utmostimportance for the collection of medicinal plants.

Photo: A. Rastogi

Most plants grown in homegardens werefound to have multiple uses. The women arelargely responsible for maintaining the homegar-dens. Even though some of the homegardenplants have medicinal properties it was foundthat people preferred the medicinal plants origi-nating from ‘jhum’ areas. Major conclusions ofthis study are that homegardens require very lit-tle labour input and are very cost effective asmost of the planting material comes from thehomegardens themselves. Fertility level is alsomaintained through the accumulation of leaf lit-ter. Homegardens are therefore seen as havingthe potential for expansion and for increasingeconomic benefits. This is particularly sobecause of the decreasing soil fertility of the‘jhum’ areas which is leading to a decline in theirproduction.

Lessons learnedAs in many other studies conducted in homegar-dens throughout the world, this work shows thatthey are very appropriate for the cultivation of alarge number of species directly useful to thehousehold. A common feature shared by home-gardens in general is the high level of fertilitydue to permanent tree cover andmanure from livestock and kitchenwaste. As women are the maincaretakers of the house and thechildren, they are also mainlyresponsible for the homegardens,as is shown in this study.

The expansion suggested in thisstudy is constrained by the landavailable around the homestead,and the small size of homegardensis precisely due to limited avail-able land. The transformation of‘jhum’ lands on the other handinto permanent agroforestry sys-tems could be envisaged. Elementsof these agroforestry systems canalready be detected in the ‘jhum’areas, where trees regenerating natural-ly are sometimes kept, and other treespecies are occasionally cultivated.

Changes from shifting cultivation sys-tems to permanent agroforestry systemshave occurred in other parts of theworld, many examples of which arefound in Indonesia (Aumeeruddy andSansonnens 1994). Experience inIndonesia, however, shows that theestablishment of agroforestry systemsis generally accompanied by intensifi-cation in the use of flat, irrigated landareas in order to supplement the food cropswhich may no longer be cultivated in the shiftingcultivation areas.


6A community-based case-study on the indigenous system of‘sal’ (Shorea robusta) forest management, by S. Rajbandhary,N. Dongol and B. K. Karna

Highlights of the studyShorea robusta (‘sal’) forests used to extendthroughout the Terai and Siwalik regions ofNepal as well as in the fringes of the hills.Degradation of these forests over the last twodecades has been mainly due to timber extractionfor commercial purposes, resettlement of largepopulations from the mid-hills, and a lack of con-trol of these forests by the agencies concerned.

‘Sal’ is known to be one of the most impor-tant tree species of Nepal as it provides good andhighly-priced timber as well as a number of otheruseful products, including fuelwood, fodder forlivestock, good compost, oleoresin and oil fromthe bark and seeds, and leaves which are highlyvalued for making plates. It also has strong reli-gious significance as it has been argued that LordBuddha was born and attained salvation under a‘sal’ tree. An important characteristic of ‘sal’ isthat it is highly resilient and coppices readily; italso resists burning and is adapted to relativelypoor soil conditions.

Community forestry is a system establishedin Nepal in which it is recognized that the com-munities should participate in and bear theresponsibility for the management and utilizationof their nearby forest resources. The history ofthe community forestry system and its presentstatus have been extensively documented by alarge number of scholars and foresters in Nepal.This particular case-study aims at analysing thehistorical background, indigenous forest man-agement practices and the relation between theindigenous and community forestry practices infive community forests (Chuchekhola, Betkholsi,Chitrepani, Neureni/Chisepani, and Pragatishil/Pradampokhari) out of the 45 community forestsof Makawanpur District. The study area is locat-ed in the district of Makawanpur, which has apopulation of 315,588, consisting mainly ofmigrants of different ethnic origins. Populationgrowth is 2.63% per year. The main occupationsin the area are agriculture and livestock rearing.In the area ‘sal’ grows mostly in pure stands.However a number of other species are also pre-sent, such as Terminalia tomentosa, T. bellirica,Adina cordifolia and Schima wallichii.

The information was obtained through for-mal and informal interviews with key informantsand at household level, and through field obser-vations. The questionnaire for the household

level contained sections on socio-economic anddemographic information; past and presentforestry practices; people’s participation inforestry management; the utilization of ‘sal’parts; the role of indigenous knowledge in forestmanagement; and the relationship betweenindigenous and community forest management.The data obtained were analysed either throughpercentage or using standard deviation or chi-square methods.

This study shows that until around 1957 theforests in the study site area used to be protectedby the Talukdars or Mukhyia acting as villageheads. Mukhiya (Talukdar) were appointed bythe king to collect taxes and revenue and wereresponsible for law and order in the area includ-ing enforcing control over the forests, in particu-lar the extraction of timber. Once transportationfacilities were established, people from the tem-perate and high alpine region started migratinginto the area, resulting in high levels of forestdestruction. This took place between 1962 and1985. At the beginning of the 1980s, someforests were handed over to the Panchayats (dis-trict level institution), but this system did notwork, and the forests continued to be exploited.The nationalization of all forests between 1957and 1987 also led to a situation of open access tothe forest resources as everybody tried to maxi-mize their own personal benefits, and the ForestDepartment did not have sufficient man-power tocontrol this.

By 1987 the forests had been so destroyedthat initiatives emerged from the local level aspeople realized that their resources were disap-pearing. This consisted mainly in the establish-ment of forest management committees, whichrestricted access to the forest at the communitylevel. Though the forest started regenerating,women had to face the problem of having to golong distances to collect firewood.

Again in 1989-90, political instability in thecountry led to a new wave of destruction of theforest. While the initial forest protection commit-tees were dissolved at Nureni and Chisepani (twovillages from the study site), in Chitrepani thestudy revealed women-initiated protection prac-tices of the forest around 1986. These resulted inthe quick regeneration of ‘sal’ coppices to theextent that growth of other species such asEugenia operculata, Terminalia chebula and T.bellirica was greatly affected.



Finally in 1991, Chuchekhola was handedover by the Forest Department to the communi-ty, according to a management plan jointlydeveloped by the users and the foresters. Thiswas followed by the establishment of communi-ty forestry in 1992 at Betkholsi and in 1996 atChitrepani and Pragatishill Padampokhari.

Community forestry management covers theprotection, utilization and distribution of forestproducts as well as the institutional or organiza-tional arrangements by which they are carried out.While indigenous management consisted mainlyin complete protection from grazing, illicit cuttingof fuelwood and fodder collections, the new man-agement system introduced the practices of thin-ning, singling, weeding, and specific accessregimes. The access rules, the penalty structureand forest protection provision were adapted tothose in practice before, but were now presentedin a written form. Under the new rules, anyonecutting ‘sal’ trees could be fined Rps.100, where-as those cutting Terminalia tomentosa would befined only Rps.5. The hunting of birds and otheranimals resulted in a fine of Rps.100. Village for-est guards were appointed, just as was the casewith the previous community level system.

Management practices such as thinning,pruning, weeding, and selective logging wereconducted according to specific managementprescriptions in specific forest compartments andfollowing a particular schedule. For example,fuelwood and fodder are collected only onTuesday from October to May in Chitrepani.Species other than ‘sal’ can be cut for fuelwood,whereas only branches of ‘sal’ or coppicesthrough the thinning process can be collected forfuelwood. Many of these activities are conductedas a group. The main functions of the forest pro-tection committee are to appoint forest watchers,arrange meetings, implement rules and regula-tions, and make decisions. From this study itappears that people’s participation in the protec-tion of the forest can be traced at least ten totwelve years back before the establishment ofcommunity forestry.

Information from the study area shows that‘sal’ is used in a variety of ways, as follows.Plates for rituals and ceremonies are made fromleaves. This work is carried out mainly bywomen, from the collection, to the stitching of theleaves. The oleoresin from the bark is used asincense and as a disinfectant fumigant. The resinis used against diarrhoea and dysentery - the gumsoothes burnt skin, and the oil cures skin disease.Juice from the bark is administered in cases ofstomachache. Paints and dyes are made from anextract from the bark. The leaves are used for ani-mal bedding, and afterwards for making compost.

It was concluded from this case-study that allthe study area had a past history of indigenousmanagement which had been improved more

recently through the implementation of commu-nity forestry. The recommendations are that peo-ple should plant multipurpose trees in and aroundthe forest and on private lands. Systems such asthe use of improved stoves should be establishedto minimise the amount of fuelwood collected.Women should be included more in the decision-making processes.

Lessons learnedCommunity forestry in Nepal and joint forestmanagement in India have been extensively doc-umented. This case-study is interesting because itsuccessfully shows the importance of previouslyexisting indigenous knowledge, and the impor-tance of people’s participation.

Reading between the lines, however, it isclear that indigenous knowledge in these caseswas not sufficient for managing the forests prop-erly. Although it succeeded in protecting thenearby forest, the pressure was only transferredto neighbouring forests which were not undercontrol. New problems for the women were alsocreated, and political instability led to a collapseof local initiatives.

“Why did this happen?” is probably the majorquestion which still lacks an answer. One hypoth-esis is that social cohesion was not very high inthese new communities. There was a high percent-age of migrants, and people acted mostly on anindividual basis. As is stated in the study, the situ-ation of free access in times of political disruptionor nationalization had a very negative impact asthere was no control except through local initia-tives which were not sufficiently mature.

Possible avenues for the future may consistin trying to address some of the issues raised.This study shows that both the resiliency of ‘sal’as a species, together with management practiceswhich consisted in cutting all other species, haveactually contributed to the impoverishment ofthese forests in terms of biodiversity conserva-tion, converting these community forests intoalmost pure ‘sal’ stands. However, knowing theimportance of trees such as Terminalia belliricaand Terminalia chebula in the Ayurvedic,Chinese and Tibetan medical systems, it couldwell be in the interest of the communities also toprotect these trees. These are new avenues forinvestigation in the future.

Another question which arises is: “Wouldcommunity forestry have succeeded if the majorspecies did not have such a level of resilience”?In other words, can community forestry succeedin regenerating complex forests comprisingspecies more vulnerable or less resilient than‘sal’? A discussion of this subject is given, byCunningham, in the People and Plants workingpaper on Joint Forest Management in India(Aumeeruddy-Thomas et al., 1999).


7The application of indigenous knowledge of fodder trees inKalikasthan, Rasuwa District, Nepal, by N. P. Manandhar andS. K. Archaya

Highlights of the studyKalikasthan is 85 km north-west of Kathmandu.The study area covers six wards, a ward being thesmallest administrative unit of the VillageDevelopment Committee (VDC). The area ishilly, and the altitude ranges from 700-1,500 m.The whole area is well linked by road. Averageannual rainfall is about 995 mm, and the temper-ature varies from 12° to 23°C. The vegetation ofthe area ranges from tropical to sub-tropical. Theaims of this study are to:(a) identify farmers’ management practice and

knowledge in relation to tree plantation onprivate land;

(b) record the important fodder trees in termsof quality, production, and preference;

(c) suggest measures for improving the foddersituation in the study area;

(d) assess the role of livestock in the localeconomy;

(e) identify the role of the people in the con-servation and development of agroforestry.In Nepal, livestock raising is a major charac-

teristic of agriculture, and people are highlydependent on the forest for fodder collection.The planting of fodder trees on agricultural landsto meet local needs is seen as a possible alterna-tive to the rapid destruction of forests, which isrelated to general population and livestockincrease. Indigenous agroforestry systemsincluding fodder species have existed for a longtime, an example of which is described in thisstudy.

Information was collected using householdsurveys based on a structured questionnaire, andinformal surveys with local workers (schoolteachers, community leaders, and shopkeepers)and government officials (VDC chairman, staffof agriculture and forestry sectors). Direct obser-vation in the field and a collection of herbariumsamples added to the study. The area was visitedfour times in order to analyse people’s activitiesat different periods.

The study shows that land holdings in thearea have an average size of 0.76 ha, varyingfrom 2-40 ropanis (1 ropani = 0.05 ha). Majorcrops are rice (cultivated in low, irrigated areas),wheat, mustard and potatoes (on the hillsides),and maize and millet (in the upper hill areas).Agricultural yields are very dependent on theamount of manure produced by the livestock.By-products of agriculture, grass from the fields

and pastures, and forest foliage are the mainsources of fodder.

Due to the depletion of the forests, people inKalikhastan started introducing forest foddertrees in the agricultural lands a few decades ago.Twenty-one fodder tree species have been foundto be growing on the farms, of which the majori-ty are from the family Moraceae, including sixFicus species: Ficus auriculata, F. hispida, F.neriifolia, F. racemosa, F. semicordata, F. sub-sincisa, and Artocarpus lakoocha. Three speciesare from the Araliaceae: Brassaiopsis hainla,Schefflera venulosa, and Trevesia palmata, andtwo are legumes from the family Fabaceae:Bauhinia purpurea and Milletia extensa.

Most of the fodder trees are multipurposespecies yielding a variety of products includingfruits, edible leaves and flowers, and fibres formaking ropes. A number of other species presenton the homestead area are mostly used for animalbedding and ultimately as compost. Among thesethere are large trees (e.g. Castanopsis indica),shrubs (e.g. Eupatorium adenophorum), herba-ceous ferns (e.g. Nephrolepis cordata), hemiepi-phytes (e.g. Rhus wallichii), and small trees (e.g.Schima wallichii).

The agroforestry system follows a pattern ofplanting rows of trees along the edge of terracedfields. Spacing between the trees is arranged sothat the trees do not hamper each other. In addi-tion, by lopping off tree branches for fodder thecanopy is maintained according to the farmer’srequirement and does not overshade crops grow-ing on the terraces.

In general, lopping is heaviest at the bottomand becomes gradually lighter towards the top.Trees are selected by each farmer according tothe following characteristics: capacity for retain-ing leaves for a long duration, suitability for useas feed during the flush stage, a positive impacton milk production, and improvements in quali-ty, nutrition and taste of milk. Artocarpuslakoocha for instance keeps its leaves during thedry season and is therefore considered a goodspecies.

Trees are categorized according to threetypes: very good (A), good (B) and normal (C).An additional set of criteria was found to be usedfor selecting trees: fast growth and quick regen-eration, all-year-round availability, ability to belopped more than once a year, high moisture con-tent, suitability to be mixed with all grades offodder, and suitability for animal bedding.



Trees are mainly regenerated from seedlingsgrowing spontaneously, and from vegetative cut-tings (mainly for Ficus sarmentosa andSchefflera venulosa). Any branches bearingfruits in the highest part of the canopy may besaved on specific trees in order to collect newseeds for establishing tree nurseries. The treerows are maintained over time by plantingseedlings in places where the farmer thinks thetree should be replaced in the future. This showsthe intimate knowledge that farmers have of treegrowth and turnover rate.

There are some side effects of agroforestryon agriculture. One is that the tree rows havesome border effects through delaying ripeningstages of the crops. There is also an increase indisease attacks and a decrease in overall produc-tivity (crops grow too high and thin due toshade). But these problems are balanced by theincrease of profit made from livestock, and alsothe feeling of self-sufficiency. Besides compost,manure can also be produced with this type of

system, and this helps to maintain theoverall fertility of the agriculturallands. Fuelwood needs are also met bycollecting dried fodder branches, by-products of crops, and dried animaldung. The farmers estimate that onefodder tree is sufficient to feed onecow or buffalo for one month. Anysurplus of milk, curd and ghee (clari-fied butter) is sold in the local market.

Following this multiple-criteriasystem, a diversity of species is plant-ed according to each farmer’s require-ments. Other reasons for keeping treeson the homestead are because forestsare some distance from the homesteadand because of the fear of forestguards.

The major recommendations ofthis study are to guide farmers in themanagement of tree nurseries for saleand to encourage them to replace bor-

der crops with ginger and turmeric which aremore shade-tolerant. This agroforestry system inKalikhastan should be used as a model for otherparts of Nepal in the form of a farmer-to-farmerexchange.

Lessons learnedThis useful study shows the potential for treedomestication in Nepal. The richness of thisstudy lies in the precise record of the tree speciesand their particular uses. It also shows a manage-ment system which relies on farmers’ knowledgeof tree growth patterns. Such agroforestry sys-tems, which are typically based on the growingof alternative rows of food crops and trees, havebeen described extensively in other parts of theworld and have been catalogued by ICRAF(World Agroforestry Centre) according to thespecific ICRAF guidelines for the description ofagroforestry systems.

This particular case-study would benefitfrom these guidelines as some major aspects,such as the economic benefits of this system,have not yet been fully assessed. These datawould also be useful for demonstrating the eco-nomic sustainability of such a system, and itsconstraints, before it can actually be used as amodel for the country. A list of the fodder treespecies, their ecological requirements, generalgrowth patterns, and the types of vegetation fromwhich they originate, could be included toenhance the study.


In agroforestry systems in Nepal, Ficus species are loppedfor producing fodder. Photo: Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas

General points and lessons learned

(c) Women play a major role in resource man-agement, but have little decision makingpower nor representation as a group. Thisis shown in the study on Wancho commu-nities in Arunachal Pradesh, India, as wellas in Community Forestry of ‘sal’ inNepal. Their interests need to be affirmed,especially in the context of changes in landuse patterns and management practiceswhich are taking place due to societalchanges. Women need to be integrated inall processes of planning and change sincethey are the primary workers, both in agri-culture and in natural resource use man-agement.

(d) Community forestry has been a successstory both in Nepal and India. It is a modelfor other South Asian countries. However,community forestry still needs to challengethe problem of biodiversity conservation asmost community forests in the region showrelatively low levels of diversity.

(e) Agriculture is part of an agroecosystemincluding a number of components such asswidden fields, community forests, etc.This is important for planning futurechanges as all parts of this puzzle con-tribute to local livelihood systems.

(f) Domestication of useful crop and treespecies is a dynamic process in theHimalayan region, as is shown in the studyon agroforestry in Kalikhasthan, Nepal.This is also part of the agrobiodiversity ofthe region and needs to be supported as liv-ing systems and not solely through writtenrecords or through ex situ conservation.IPGRI (International Plant GeneticResources Institute) has a number of pro-grammes in the region which aim at in situconservation. At the national level, theactive support of government agencies isneeded.

Based on the analysis of each case study anddetailed lessons learned, as drawn above, thegeneral issues identified are:(a) Genetic erosion of local agrobiodiversity

and related knowledge, as shown in thestudy in Chitral, Northern Pakistan. Thisissue is directly linked to the following:lack of communications, market facilitiesand agricultural extension services whichrecognize local potentials, and very littleinteraction between central research insti-tutions and local resources and needs.

(b) Shifting cultivation systems once sustain-able from an ecological and economicpoint of view are no longer sustainable dueto high population pressure. Among themajor findings of the different case-studieswhich deal with ‘jhum’ cultivation systemsis the alder-based improved ‘jhum’ cultiva-tion system as well as local initiatives fortree-planting in ‘jhum’ which indicates thepotential for shifting cultivation to betransformed into permanent agroforestryplots.



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Medicinal plant management: case-studies compiled and lessons learnedPei Shengji

1Indigenous medicinal plants and their socio-economic and cultural significance in the Newar community of Nepal: acase-study of Bungmati VDC, Lalitpur, by M. Pokhrel, R. Shrestha and R. K. Sharma

Highlights of the studyThis study discusses the status of indigenousmedicinal plants and their role in the traditionalhealth-care practice system of Bungmati Village.

This village lies on the southwest edge of theKathmandu Valley, and is well known in Nepal asthe dwelling place of Lord Machhindranath. Thepopulation of Bungmati is about 6,000, of which80% are Newars, and the rest are Chhetris,Tamangs, Brahmins, and others. As regards reli-gion, some 70% are Buddhist, and 30% are Hindu.

Agriculture provides the main economy forthe majority of the inhabitants of Bungmati.Rice, maize and wheat are the dominant cropsgrown in ‘khet’ (irrigated land) while maize, mil-let, pulses, mustard, and beans are cultivated in‘ban’ (unirrigated land). Woodcarving, the weav-ing of traditional mats and baskets from locallyavailable plant resources, the trading of a fewcommercial plants, and the rearing of livestockare supplementary economic activities. The liter-acy rate is about 30%.

The investigation has generated much infor-mation regarding the availability, usage andimportance of indigenous plants in the studyarea. More than 144 plant species have beeninvestigated, out of which 50 species werereported as being used for medicinal purposes.Important medicinal plants found in this area areArtemisia vulgaris, Justicia adhatoda,Achyranthes aspera, Bergenia ciliata, Acoruscalamus, and Celtis australis.

Altogether 26 species of plants are used forceremonial purposes in different religious andcultural activities. Amongst the most commonlyused species are Buddleia asiatica, Ficus reli-giosa, and Cynodon dactylon.

Bungmati villagers use 33 species as foodplants. Likewise 36 plant species are used forfodder, the most easily available species beingGrewia optiva, Arundinaria sp., Cyperus rotun-dus and Imperata cylindrica.

Altogether twelve plant species are used asfuelwood, the preferred species being the com-monly found Grewia optiva, Melia azedarach,and Spondias auxillaris. Seven species of tree areused for timber, the most common being Meliaazedarach, Alnus nepalensis, Schima wallichii,and Grewia optiva.

Among the identified plants, several speciessuch as ‘chutro’ (Berberis asiatica), ‘sugand-hawal’ (Valeriana jatamansi), ‘ketuki’ (Agaveamericana), ‘titepati’ (Artemisia indica), and‘nigalo’ (Arundinaria sp.) are abundant andhave commercial value. However, because of alack of market information, the only plantsknown to be used commercially are ‘nigalo’ and‘sugandhawal’.

Almost 40% of the local people use herbs forself-treatment, 8% go to the herbal healer (‘baid-hya’), and 28% to the faith healer. Some 24%,mostly the younger generation, use modern med-icine. Until ten years ago, most of the populationof Bungmati put great faith in traditional herbalmedicines and used indigenous plants extensive-ly for treating different diseases. They would useherbal medication in the treatment of such dis-eases and ailments as malarial fever, jaundice,asthma, elephantiasis, eye diseases, colic etc.Nowadays, however, due to the introduction ofallopathic medicines, people are turning to mod-ern medicine. This trend is very commonamongst the younger generations of all ethnicgroups. However, people still retain a strongbelief in traditional faith healing.


Self-treatment with herbs, and consultationwith a herbal or a faith healer are the major meth-ods of traditional treatment. The extent of depen-dence on faith healing is related to literacy leveland to the degree of contact with the outsideworld. Those who are literate and in contact withthe outside world choose modern medicine first,traditional medicine next, and faith healing last.Conversely, those who have less contact with theoutside world, choose faith healing first, tradi-tional medicine next, and modern medicine onlywhen the first two have failed. There is a similarcorrelation between choice of healer and level ofincome. On average, it was found that peoplewith low income are more inclined towards thetraditional health-care system. They are general-ly more comfortable with it as their ancestorshave practiced this method for generations, andexpense is not an issue. In the Newar communi-ty of Bungmati, it is clear that people with goodincomes and resources prefer allopathic medi-cines to the traditional health-care system. If anydisease persists for a long time or recurs afterallopathic treatment, then people turn to faithhealers rather than to herbal healers. However,people with low incomes choose herbal self-treatment first, a faith healer or a herbal healernext, and an allopathic doctor only if not curedby the other methods. There are ten herbal heal-ers in Bungmati.

Around 60% of people are familiar withmedicinal plants and their value, whilst the

remaining 40% do not have the relevant knowl-edge. This may be due to a decrease in naturalresources as well as the introduction of modernmedicine. The survey has also revealed that olderpeople are most familiar with plants and theiruses and, as knowledge is no longer being trans-ferred from one generation to another, youngpeople are becoming increasingly ignorant aboutthe subject.

The knowledge of and beliefs regardingindigenous medicinal plants vary amongst differ-ent community groups. Knowledge about plantresources is greater in the Tamang and Chhetricommunities than in the Newar community. Thewomen of Newar and Chhetri communities werefound to be more knowledgeable about the use ofindigenous medicinal and cultural plants thantheir male counterparts. In the Tamang commu-nity, the reverse is true.

The people of Bungmati were heavily depen-dent on medicinal plants until 1961. Due to theintroduction of allopathic medicines, the tradi-tional use of medicinal plants has been neglectedby the new generation because they believe thereis no benefit.

Another reason for the decline in traditionalknowledge about plants is the continuousdecrease in the number of valuable medicinalplants. These are becoming less available, main-ly because of habitat loss and land use change.The protection and conservation of valuableplants are being neglected.

View of the village of Bungmati near Kathmandu. Photo: Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas



Moreover, the bulk of traditional medicinalknowledge is limited to a few persons of theolder generation, who seldom reveal theirsecrets. Due to a lack of dissemination and trans-fer of knowledge, the secrets of traditional herbalmedicine are becoming lost with the demise ofherbal practitioners. Even healers who do wishto share their knowledge have been unsuccessfulin doing so because of the lack of interest shownby the younger generation. The unwillingness ofyoung people to take over herbal practice stemsfrom the fact that the low incomes involved arenot sufficient to sustain them. The decrease inthe popularity of this practice is also due to thedifficulty involved in the growing of the requiredherbal medicines in the area.

Furthermore, patients have started adoptingallopathic treatment as an altemative to tradition-al herbal medicine. Only ten years ago, manypeople outside of Bungmati Village used to visitSurya Muni Baidya, a renowned herbal healer ofBungmati, to consult about various diseases.Nowadays very few patients visit him.

Although Bungmati is not far from the afflu-ent and developed capital city, most of the vil-lagers are very poor and therefore cannot affordallopathic medicines. They had previouslydepended on natural forest resources, but nowdepletion of the forest is causing severe lifestyleproblems.

According to herbal healers and local people,many important medicinal plants were found inKaryabinayak Forest, which fifty years ago wasstill dense. Now, reckless grazing practices anddeforestation have led to the loss of important andvaluable medicinal plants such as ‘dronapushpi’and ‘amaltas’, which have become extinct fromthis area. Plants which had been abundant, suchas ‘asuro’ (Justicia adhatoda), ‘titepati’(Artemisia indica), ‘sugandhawal’ (Valerianajatamansi), and ‘chutro’ (Berberis asiatica) havedeclined drastically over a few years. Accordingto one herbal healer, ten years ago he would pre-pare herbal medicines from the plants that werelocally available. Now he has to buy several med-icinal plants from outside. This is another reasonfor the unwillingness of the younger generationto adopt herbal healing practices.

In addition to the study summarized above,the research group initiated a project with theBungmati Village Development Committee onthe cultivation of 32 species of economicallyuseful medicinal plants in a demonstration areasituated within the premises of the Tri RatnaCooperative School.

22

Valeriana jatamansi

PEOPLE AND PLANTS WORKING PAPER 12, SEPTEMBER 2003APPLIED ETHNOBOTANY: CASE-STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAN REGIONY. AUMEERUDDY-THOMAS & PEI SHENGJI

2Ethno-medicobotanical studies of the Gurung community ofBichuar Village in the Lamjung District of Nepal, by I. Shrestha

Highlights of the studyThere are many remote areas in the Himalayanregion where modern medical health-care sup-port is not available. Therefore, traditional heal-ing systems play an important role in maintainingthe physical and psychological wellbeing of thevast majority of people in such areas. It has beenobserved that when allopathic health-care isintroduced into a village, the idea that the twosystems can be integrated is not emphasized. Infact, there is a certain level of mistrust towardsthe traditional medical system.

This project focused on the current use pat-tern of herbal medicines, and the problems of‘dhamis’ and ‘jhakris’ (local healers). A localworkshop was also organized to build two-waycommunication between ‘dhami-jhakri’ and allo-pathic health-care workers; to promote appropri-ate and to discourage inappropriate traditionalhealth practices. Another objective of the work-shop was to enhance awareness of prophylacticmeasures such as immunization, family plan-ning, nutrition, and environmental hygiene.

The study, led by Ms Ila Shrestha of theNepalese Society for Systematic Collection, alsoproduced a detailed inventory of all the medici-nal plants, together with a herbarium collection.Those involved in the study conducted house-hold surveys using structured questionnaires,identified and interviewed key informants, andcarried out interest group meetings.

Gurungs are hardy hill people living alongthe southern slopes of the Anapurna Himalayasin west central Nepal. Their tribal territoriesextend from Gorkha District east throughLamjung and Kaski to the Syangja District, in theGandaki Zone. Their economy is based mainlyon agriculture and sheep breeding. They growrice, wheat, maize, millet, and potatoes. Thelower parts of their terraced fields are irrigatedand sown with rice in summer and wheat in win-ter. In addition to growing cereals and potatoesthey keep sheep as a source of meat and wool.

A great majority of Gurungs joined theIndian and the British armies, working in variousparts of India, Malaysia and England. A smallnumber joined the Royal Nepal Army. Gurungswho are not enrolled in army service stay athome to look after their fields and livestock, andmake trips to the border regions of Tibet toexchange salt for food grain, and vice versa.Some people take ghee to exchange for Tibetansheep wool and Himalayan goat hair.

This study is designed to improve the tradi-tional healing system, with a view to improvingthe health of the people in remote areas of Nepal.

Twenty-four people from Bichaur VDC and ninefrom Dudhpokhari are recognized as traditionalhealers involved in the health-care of the peopleof Bichaur.

The heterogeneous community in BichaurVDC consists of Gurungs, Tamangs, Brahmins,Chhetris, Newars, Kamis, and Damais. TheGurung and Tamang communities are found tobe much more influenced by traditional healingsystems. It was found, however, that the localtraditional healers use medicinal plants which arenot found in the locality. These herbs are collect-ed from higher altitudes. It became clear that,although many medicinal herbs do occur in manyparts of the region, local people do not know howto conserve and preserve them and so are notbenefiting fully from the traditional system. Thusthe study has strongly recommended that thedevelopment of traditional healing systems inmany remote areas of Nepal be emphasized.

The results of this study show that cuts,wounds and bone fractures are the most common-ly occurring ailments of the inhabitants of BichaurVDC. This is partly due to the geo-topographicalvariation of the locality. However, during thesummer, water-borne diseases such as typhoid,cholera, dysentery, and jaundice occur predomi-nantly. During the winter, pneumonia, asthma,colds, coughs, and high fever are reported.

An effective allopathic treatment or modernhealth-care system has not yet reached remoteareas of Nepal, including Bichaur, where a vari-able number of medicinal herbs still exist. Asillustrated in many of the case-studies, most ofthe diseases occurring in the villages have alwaysbeen treated with traditional healing systems,using medicinal herbs.

Knowledge about the healing system is trans-ferred orally from generation to generation withoutany written documentation, and many of the tradi-tional methods have a superstitious element.Moreover, lack of documentation of traditionalhealing methods has resulted in confusion amongstusers. Thus, the report has strongly recommendedthe necessity of proper documentation of the actu-al healing methods, along with the main character-istic features of the medicinal plants. Furthermore,it is suggested that a proper scientific study of thetraditional healing system is carried out.

Altogether 127 species of 119 genera ofmedicinal plants belonging to 62 families havebeen reported as used by Gurung communities,including the traditional healers of Bichaur.Among these species, six are monocotyledonsand eight are pteridophytes. Of the dicotyledonsthe majority (16 in number) belong to theAsteraceae and 11 are members of the Fabaceae.



3Indigenous knowledge of the Qiang community about the conservation and development of ethnomedical plants inMaoxian County of Western Sichuan, China, by Wu Ning

Highlights of the studyIn China, Tibetan medicine (Sowa Rigpa),Mongolian medicine, Uguar medicine, and Daimedicine are officially recognized as traditionalmedical systems in addition to ChineseTraditional Medicine (Zhong Yi), and are for-mally included in public health-care. However,there are more than 20 traditional herbal medi-cine systems being practiced in different ethnicminority areas. The Qiang’s traditional herbalmedicine is one of these.

The use of medicinal plants and animals inChinese traditional systems varies from one sys-tem to another. At the same time, the traditionalmedicine systems of minority communities arepoorly represented in the major ‘Zhong-yi’(Chinese medicine) system prevalent in China.Communities such as the Qiang ethnic communi-ty are undergoing rapid transition. This, togetherwith an overall trend of decline in the biodiver-sity of medicinal plants, is fast leading to erosionof the knowledge base. A systematic record ofthe Qiang’s traditional health-care system is verysparse as most of the knowledge is passed downorally, and the community have their own writ-ing script. Furthermore, most of the young peo-ple learn to read and write in the main Chineselanguage of Mandarin.

This study aims to document the Qiang’sindigenous knowledge with a view to promotinga wider understanding and legitimization of thetraditional skills and health-care practices of thecommunity. As briefly outlined in the followingframework, Dr Wu Ning of the Botany Divisionof Chengdu Institute of Biology used variousmethods of investigation.

The major findings of the research are sum-marized in the following paragraphs:

(1) The diversity of medicinal plants andhuman dependency

In the ‘Herbal Encyclopedia’ compiled byBen Cao Jin, reference is made by Tao Hong-jinto about 20 Qiang medicinal plants from westernSichuan. These include species ofNotopterygium, species of Heracleum,Astragalus membranaceus, Rheum officinale,and Angelica sinensis. The ‘Annals ofMaozhou’, published in the Qing Dynasty,recorded the distribution and efficacy ofNotopterygium, Rheum officinale, species ofFritillaria and Saussurea, and others. There are574 species of medicinal plants in Maoxian and

these belong to 184 families. From 1992 to 1996the Public Health Bureau of Maoxian collectedand documented 118 folk recipes, which containreferences to about 190 medicinal plants, 12 ani-mal products and four mineral medicines. Duringalmost the same period, the Sichuan Institute ofTraditional Chinese Medicine investigated thedistribution of Qiang medicine in the entireregion inhabited by the Qiang people. It wasreported that there are 2,301 species of medicinalplants in the region, belonging to 586 genera and182 families.

The plants popularly used by the Qiang peo-ple can be categorized into 103 families, 136genera and 225 species, among which there are204 species of medicinal plants and 4 mineralmedicines (such as plaster stone). It was foundthrough the analysis of these reports that manyspecies are particularly concentrated in this areabecause of the unique environmental conditions.For example, there are 14 species of medicinalplants belonging to the Compositae, 11 speciesof Umbelliferae, 10 species of Ranunculaceae,10 species of Crassulaceae, 10 species ofLiliaceae and 5 of the Gentianaceae, amongwhich many species are typical of theHimalayas.

In the Qiang area, the collection of wildmedicinal plants for sale is also a traditionalsource of income. According to records in the“Annals of Maozhou’, at the beginning of thiscentury the sale volumes of some medicinalplants were very high. For example, the salesvolume of Rheum officinale per annum was 10-15 tons; Astragalus membranaceus (togetherwith other Astragalus species) 10 tons;Notopterygium incisium (including N. fonsesii)15-20 tons; Bupleurum chinensis (including B.microcephalum) 25-30 tons; Heracleum candi-cans and H. hemsleyanum five tons; Vladimiriasouliei five tons; and Fritillaria, thousands ofkilograms. In addition, some medicines camefrom traditionally exported products, such asmusk, and the fungus Cordyceps sinensis. Thetrading of products collected from mountainswas carried out in the free market in the countytown. Private traders would transport these prod-ucts to urban centers by way of Guanxian County(now called Dujiangyan City).

(2) Localized medicinal knowledge

In the Qiang area, plants have historicallybeen the principal source of drugs used in thecure and prevention of illness. Only recently,


with the advances in synthetic chemistry, haveclinics begun to break away from their depen-dence on plant-based cures. Generally, the fea-tures of Qiang medicinal knowledge and technol-ogy are based upon the local biological andsocio-cultural background, which is differentfrom that of the Hans and the Tibetans. The Hansystem typically uses roots or rhizomes, whereasin Qiang medicine, flowers and whole plants arepreferred. For example, Rhododendron cepha-lanthum is used to cure dropsy, Meconopsisquintuplinervia to cure diseases of the stomachand lung as well as muscle contraction, andDelphinium kamaonense var. glabrescens for thetreatment of ringworm. Of the drugs mentioned,70% of them are typically distributed on the east-ern Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau. Some plants, suchas Fritillaria spp., Notopterygium incisium, N.forbesii, Astragalus membranaceus, and Rheumofficinale, grow at their best in this location,although they also occur in other parts of thePlateau.

The methods and forms of using medicineare unique. Most of the medicines are indigenousand use fresh herbs. Some medicinal herbs whichare limited by their growing season are collectedand processed at the appropriate time. Poisonousmedicines are prepared using suitable methods.Qiang’s folk doctors prescribe the plants of theRanunculaceae, Papaveraceae and Solanaceae asa refrigerant, febrifuge, sedative or pain remedy.They recommend various poisonous herbs, suchas Corydalis edulis, Cimicifuga sp. and Physalissp. for curing fever. In general, poisonous herbsare used more frequently in Qiang medicine thanin Chinese medicine. Plants such as Aconitumspp. and Viola spp. are common in recipes forremedying pain. Many local species are used intonic preparations, more than 20 of these deriv-ing from Astragalus and Codonopsis. The impor-tant cash crop for this region, wild pepper, is alsoa commonly used medicine among Qiang people.All of its fruits, roots and leaves can be used as arefrigerant, sedative, anthelmintic, and for stom-ach invigoration. Most Qiang medical prescrip-tions are composed of compound ingredients,made up into pills, tablets, and powders, but theprescriptions themselves are distinctly differentfrom those of Chinese medicine.

However, the influence between cultures isreflected in Qiang recipes. Through the analysesof 118 recipes collected by the Public HealthBureau of Maoxian, it was found that manyChinese medicines are used in Qiang remedies;about one-third of Qiang medicines come fromChinese medicine, and many are supplied locally.A similar relationship with Tibetan medicine canalso be found in these recipes. As for the diagno-sis of diseases, cultural mutual exchange is alsoapparent. Traditionally, four methods are used byQiang’s folk doctors in diagnosis. These are:

(1) to observe the inner spirit and the outsideshape of the patient;

(2) to auscultate and to smell the patient; (3) to ask the patient the causes of the disease;

and (4) to take the pulse of the patient.

These methods can be found not only in theChinese health-care system but also in Tibetanmedicine.

(3) Current practices and trends

In the last four decades, the region inhabitedby the Qiang people has changed, both ecologi-cally and in terms of the Qiang way of life. Localpeople now depend less on the traditional health-care system than in former generations.Nowadays, fewer and fewer young indigenouspeople have the traditional knowledge of herbalhealing practices used by their great-grandfa-thers. This knowledge is in danger of disappear-ing altogether.

Until the 1950s, the traditional healers of thismountainous region played an important role incuring both physical and spiritual illnesses.Medicinal plants collected from the wild lands orcultivated in home gardens were used not only byfolk doctors but also by the farmers themselves.In the 1950s, employed doctors increased from31 to 198, and hospital beds from 40 to 155.These figures indicate a rapid development in themodern health-care system, which has undoubt-edly played an important role in the public healthof rural areas.

During this process there has been a decreas-ing dependency upon the traditional health-caresystem. Fortunately, this tendency was recog-nized by the scientific world. In 1992 theInstitute of Qiang Medicine was established inMaoxian, and the government sponsored a pro-ject with the aim of collecting and documentingtraditional recipes. The cultivation of someendangered and marketable medicinal plants hasbeen encouraged for the purpose of integrationinto ongoing reforestation projects. Thus tradi-tional health-care practices and knowledge are inthe process of rejuvenation.

(4) The cultivation and trading of medicinal plants

In addition to the collection of existingplants, there is also a strong tradition among theQiang people of growing trees and medicinalspecies. The history of cultivating medicinalplants in home gardens or communal woodlandsgoes back thousands of years. There are refer-ences in chronicles to communal tree-plantingpractices, and home gardens planted with medic-inal plants and fruit-bearing trees. For example,Qiang people traditionally like to plant several

Cordyceps sinensis, theparasitic fungus whichinfects Hepialus moth

caterpillars is highly valued in China. Photo:

Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas

Astragalushimalayanus



varieties of medicinal plants, such as Rheumofficinale, R. palmatum, Astragalus mem-branaceus, A. norielus, Paeonia veitchii,Gastrodia elata etc., in their home gardens or onmarginal lands, for self-consumption or market-ing. These strong traditions have given environ-mental stability to large parts of the mountains.

However, research into medicinal plant cul-tivation processes has revealed that most of themethods were developed on a large scale only inlast three decades. A good example is the pro-duction of Chinese angelica (Angelica sinensis)and wild Asiabell (Codonopsis pilosula). InMaoxian County, Chinese angelica had begun tobe planted as a crop from 1963, and Asiabellfrom 1964, when there were not enoughresources for collection. In the 1970s, whenstate-owned enterprises felt the shortage of wildresources, cultivation of some valuable herbalmedicines was encouraged in order to meet theincreasing demands in the markets. Thus, theyield of Chinese angelica in the entire Qiangregion reached 20 tons in the late 1980s andmade up 50% of the provincial total; the yield ofAsiabell was about 8 tons and amounted to 70%of the provincial total.

Another example is milkvetch (Astragalusmembranaceus), which is a traditional herbalmedicine among the Qiang people. Theprocessed roots of milkvetch are traditionallysold in the domestic markets and Southeast Asia.This herb is always planted by villagers in themountain forests, where the shade of the forestcanopy and the humus-rich soil provide a suit-able habitat for its growth. Yield of milkvetchhas increased by a factor of fifteen from the1950s to the 1990s.

Western Sichuan is an important area for theproduction of tendril-leafed fritillary (Fritillariacirrhosa). Owing to its high price in markets andgreat demands for its medical uses, plants havebeen rooted out in huge quantities. The purchas-ing amount in Aba Prefecture increased 5.74times from 24,348 kg in 1975 to 139,680 kg in1988. This then fell to 72,084 kg in 1990, whichindicates a decrease in the resource base. By the1970s people realized the urgency of conservingand developing this regional resource. Sevenspecies of fritillary were tested for planting withseeds or bulbs in Maoxian. In 1983 the fields forfritillary cultivation covered on area of 0.77 ha.The state-owned stations set an example for theimproved household cultivation of fritillary atthe end of the 1980s. In 1995 the planted area inMaoxian reached 20 ha.

Wild pepper (Xanthoxyllum bungeanum) isnot only a traditional flavouring of southwesternChina, but also a traditional Qiang medicine. Itsleaves and fruits are used in many traditional pre-scriptions. Wild pepper was being cultivatedabout 300 years ago, but it was only plantedoccasionally by mountain farmers on the edge of

their fields and did not become an important cashcrop until the 1950s. At present, the cultivationof wild pepper on barren slopes in dry valleys hasnot only become one of the most importantsources of income for the villagers, but has alsoincreased vegetation coverage. In conjunctionwith the national conservation project, about 600thousand pepper trees were newly cultivated inMaoxian on slopes with an elevation below2,600 m during the period of the ‘Eighth Five-year Plan’ (from 1990 to 1995) and, by 1995,there were 6.4 million pepper trees in this coun-ty, with a yearly yield of 186 tons.

With the advent of substantial improvementsin biotechnology and insufficient naturallyoccurring plants to meet the increasing demandsof the medical markets, more wild medicinalplants with promising economic value have beenidentified and cultivated. Among these, wild yam(Dioscorea spp.) is a good example. The discov-ery of diosgenin, a steroidal sapogenin thatoccurs naturally in very high levels in some yamspecies, led to a revolutionary means of synthe-sizing birth control agents. Since the strict BirthControl Plan was carried out in China from the1970s onwards, demands for contraceptive pillsincreased very rapidly, leading to the investiga-tion, analysis, cultivation, and processing ofyams. Over-exploitation has threatened yams inthe wild and they are now being cultivated inwestern Sichuan especially for diosgenin produc-tion. From 1996 until about 2000, the number ofhouseholds in Maoxian County involved in thecultivation of wild yams rose to around 1,000.Due to the simple skills required, a minimal inputof labour, a guaranteed output of products, andthe fact that farming field space did not have tobe taken up, more and more farmers are involvedin this industry on a voluntary basis. This schemehas contributed to farmers’ participation indevelopment projects sponsored by governmentor development agencies aiming at poverty alle-viation in this region.

The cultivation of high-value wild or intro-duced plants by farmers has played an importantrole in their economy. Meanwhile, the policy ofencouraging diversified economic activities, asadopted by the provincial government in 1980,has also had a positive impact on the develop-ment of sideline production. When the statemonopoly for the purchasing and marketing ofall specialized local products (except musk) wasrescinded in 1985, the farmers perceived this as acrucial incentive to exploit wild plant resources.Subsequently, business organizations at all levels(including private peddlers) have been engagedin the purchasing and marketing of all medicinalplants. Indigenous agro-ecosystems have playedan important role in the conservation of biodiver-sity, and some ethnobotanical practices of agro-forestry management have been integrated intothe reforestation projects.


4A study of the ethnobotany and conservation of Podophyllumhexandrum, Diphylleia sinensis and Fritillaria cirrhosa in theZhongdian Tibetan Autonomous County in Yunnan, China, byHu Zhihao and Qi Shunhua


North-west Yunnan covers an area of 72,531 sqkm and is located in the Hengduan Mountains(29°N; 98°E). The eastern appendages of theHimalayas consist of the Dali Bai AutonomousPrefecture, Lijiang Prefecture, and DiqingTibetan Autonomous Prefecture of YunnanProvince, and link up the Tibetan plateau in thenorth and the Yunnan-Guizhou plateau in theeast. The altitude ranges from 1,200 to 6,700 mabove sea level. Mountains and river valleysoccur alternately, stretching from north to southand forming an undulating terrace. Zhongdian isa Tibetan-inhabited district in NorthwestYunnan.

The collection of medicinal plants frommountain forests, pastures and other ecosystemsis a common practice amongst mountain commu-nities in the area. In addition, the cultivation ofcertain medicinal plant species in herbal gardensand farmlands has a long tradition in the localvillages. This includes the production of plantdrugs for marketing in the area.

Historically, this area is well known for itsexceptionally rich diversity of medicinal plants,and as an important provider of crude drugs (ofboth plant and animal origin) for Chinese medi-cines. Almost 600 species of medicinal plantsused in Tibetan medicines are reported fromZhongdian. Two species, Podophyllum hexan-drum and Diphylleia sinensis, were scientificallyvalidated a decade ago to contain anti-cancerouscompounds. This led to a very high level ofdemand for these two species for chemicalextraction. There is an urgent need to supplementthe availability of this drug from cultivatedsources. Fritillaria cirrhosa is considered one ofthe best wide-spectrum medicines for the treat-ment of respiratory diseases.

The aims of this project were to documentthe local classification and use of the threespecies and to set up demonstration plots in farm-ers’ fields to standardize and promote their culti-vation and marketing. Important questions aboutthe economic viability of the small-scale anddecentralized production of medicinal plantswere also addressed.

This project was undertaken by Mr QiShunhua of Yunnan University under the supervi-sion of Professor Hu Zhihao. With the help of asemi-structured questionnaire, they interviewedlocal traditional health-care practitioners andTibetan doctors working at the local hospital. Theymade personal observations and interacted withseveral farmers in the village, encouraging them totake up the cultivation of the three plants.Phytochemical analysis, from the collected rhi-zomes and seeds, was carried out in the laboratoryOver one year of case-study work on the threespecies of Tibetan medicinal plants, their classi-fication, botany, biology, ecology, and distribu-tion patterns were studied. It became clear thatnatural resources can meet the needs of tradition-al medical usage, but cannot meet the rapidlyexpanded demands of the modern pharmacyindustry. These resources are diminishing, rare,and even threatened. These findings provideopportunities for developing the local economy,but also issue a danger-signal in terms of the pos-sible over-harvesting of wild resources from nat-ural habitats.

Among the three medicinal plants,Fritillaria cirrhosa is most familiar to local peo-ple, and is being studied more in detail. The nat-ural environment and technical foundation nec-essary to develop Fritillaria for cultivation areavailable in the Zhongdian area.

Podophyllum hexandrum is also knownamong villagers, but many do not understandwhy they should grow it rather than collecting itfor medicinal use. They dislike growing thisplant in their gardens because the economic ben-efit is very low. The same applies to Diphylleiasinensis. The strategy is therefore to protect thegermplasm resources in situ and/or ex situ (espe-cially the plants of Diphylleia sinensis), and toset up conservation areas to protect local popula-tions of the species. For local economic develop-ment based on modern pharmacology and tech-niques, it is necessary to form new medicine-manufacturing lines and to organize the marketin order to open the way for the raw materialproducts. Only market demands can encouragethe local people in the cultivation of medicinalplants in the area.



Cultivation of Podophyllum hexandrum in Zhongdian, China. Photo: A. Rastogi


5An ethnobotanical survey of the propagation of rare medicinalherbs by small farmers in the buffer zone of the Valley ofFlowers National Park, Chamoli, Garhwal Himalaya, India, byC. P. Kala


The Valley of Flowers (VOF) National Park is ahigh-altitude protected area in GarhwalHimalaya. The park and its buffer zones are richin medicinal plants, and the local people of thisarea have a considerable knowledge of ethno-botany. These people are gradually shifting froma subsistence to a market economy, mainly dueto enhanced tourism and mountaineering activi-ties. In addition to adverse impacts on the habi-tats, over-extraction of medicinal plants for com-mercial purposes due to increased demand hasexerted tremendous pressure on the existingplant populations. In all, 112 species of medici-nal plants have been recorded as used by thelocal population. Of these, 23 species are rareand endangered, including five species listed inthe Red Data Book of Indian Plants.

This study was carried out by Mr C. P. Kala,Wildlife Institute of India, Dehradun, under theguidance of Dr G. S. Rawat. He collected eth-nobotanical information using semi-structuredand unstructured questionnaires as well as directobservations in the field. Each household wassurveyed for information on the quantity of theirextraction of medicinal plants from the wild.Data were verified by repeated interviews withmore than one informant. To study the effects ofvarious anthropogenic activities on the popula-tion of medicinal plants, 25 quadrats of 50 x 50cm were laid out in the different pressure zones.Various landscape elements in each of the pres-sure zones were identified. The entire study areawas stratified into three broad pressure zones:(1) the Valley of Flowers, being a protected

area, considered as a control site;(2) the buffer of the park, which is under

severe pressure due to tourism and live-stock grazing, taken as a high pressure zoneand;

(3) Khiron Valley, which is grazed mostly bysheep and goats, taken as a moderately dis-turbed (grazed) area.The major findings of this case-study are

highlighted below:

(1) Status of medicinal herbs

The inhabitants of the project area in theKhiron Valley and the buffer zone of the VOF

(Bhyundar, Ghangaria and Pulna) have tradition-ally used a total of 112 species of medicinalplants. Of these, herbs were the most numerous(92), followed by shrubs (ten), trees (seven) andferns (three). Of the 54 total rare and endangeredspecies of the VOF and its environs, 31 specieswere used for medicinal purposes, of which fivespecies are listed in the Red Data Book of IndianPlants. Out of 31 rare medicinal plants, 23species were recently categorized for rarityaccording to new IUCN Red List Criteria laid outin the Conservation and ManagementAssessment Plan (CAMP) meeting held inLucknow, UP, of which 12 are critically endan-gered, four are endangered, and seven are cate-gorized as vulnerable.

The VOF and its environs harbour almost600 plant species, of which 112 were used formedicinal purposes by the local people. Some ofthe rare medicinal herbs, for example Picrorhizakurrooa, Fritillaria roylei and Cyananthus inte-ger, were found only in the park and not seen inthe Khiron Valley or buffer zones of the park.This is possibly due to various anthropogenicpressures, such as grazing, burning, over-collec-tion, and deforestation. It is estimated that in thehigh altitudes of Garhwal Himalaya, the under-ground parts (roots, tubers and rhizomes) ofthese medicinal herbs are used in the highestnumber of cases (45%), followed by the leaves(26%). Most of the alpine plants reproduce veg-etatively by tubers, rhizomes, and roots, and theirpopulations decline severely if the undergroundparts are extracted. Exploitation of rhizomes andtubers at a commercial scale has led to substan-tial loss of medicinal plants from their habitats inmany parts of the Garhwal Himalaya.

(2) Traditional knowledge about medicinalplants among the villagers

Among the youth, who formed 23% of thetotal population, 95% had no knowledge of med-icinal plants, and only 5% had some knowledge.Adults formed 29% of the total population, andof these 68% had no knowledge of medicinalplants, 27% possessed adequate knowledge, and5% had good knowledge. Elders formed only19% of the total population; 35% had no knowl-edge of medicinal plants, 52% had adequateknowledge, and 13% had very good knowledge.



In compari-son with men,

women wereless knowl-e d g e a b l e

about medicinalplants. However, among the

elders, both men and women hadalmost equal knowledge (1:1) of the

use of medicinal plants. This supportsthe hypothesis that old people havemore knowledge of medicinalplants than the younger genera-

tions. The attitude of theyoung towards the tradi-

tional healing system wasneutral. They are keen topursue other businessprofessions which may

seem less tedious thanthe pastoral and agri-cultural practices in

this region of theHimalayas.The villagers had a considerable

faith in medico-religious and religiousplants. Saussurea obvallata is collected

on occasions of deity worship, especial-ly in offering to a local Goddess, Nanda

Devi. The bark of ‘bhoj patra’ (Betulautilis) is known to have been used as paper in

ancient times. Sometimes ‘mantra’ or spells arewritten on the bark of this tree in red ink by apriest or saint. It is given to the devoted, pre-served in a small casket and is believed to curecertain diseases. Cannabis sativa is another reli-gious plant. Hindu Shiva devotees relish thedrink prepared from its dried seeds. The flowersof Jasminum humile are offered especially toLakshmi (the wife of Lord Vishnu) in the monthsof Chaitra (March-April) and Baisakh (April-May). Devotees write the names of gods ordeities on the leaves, sometimes count the flow-ers, and prepare garlands to offer to gods andgoddesses.

An old tree of Morus serrata, located in themiddle of Joshimath town, has a special signifi-cance in this region. It is called ‘Kalpavriksha’(tree of eternity). Lord Sankaracharya is said tohave meditated under this tree 800 years ago.The root of Hedychium spicatum has a specialreligious significance at marriage ceremonies. Itsdecoction is applied to the body of the bride andgroom to keep them cool. Origanum vulgare isanother medico-religious plant which is offeredto Lord Vishnu and Shiva in Badn’nath andKedarnath temples.

(3) Dependency of local people on medicinal plants

Three main medicinal herbs, ‘faran’ (Alliumhumile), ‘choru’ (Angelica glauca), and ‘dolu’(Rheum australe), were collected by local peoplefrom the adjacent areas. These herbs were col-lected for personal use and would be offered byvillagers to their relatives and friends as gifts.Besides these herbs, men also collect ‘mitha’(Aconitum balfourii), ‘balchhadi’ (Arnebia ben-thamii), ‘hathajan’ (Dactylorhiza hatagirea),‘salam mishri’ (Polygonatum verticillatum),‘mamira’ (Thalictrum foliolosum) etc. The barkof ‘thuner’ (Taxus baccata) is also collected,mainly for making tea. It was noticed that thedependency of local people on medicinal plantshas decreased over the past 10-15 years due tothe easy availability of allopathic medicines andrapid socio-economic changes in this region. Theyounger generation now has a greater belief inallopathic medicine but still trusts many medici-nal plants for curing certain diseases. Forinstance, the use of Thalictrum foliolosum is stillin practice for curing eye complaints and skindiseases, Dactylorhiza hatagirea, Eulophiadabia and Gymnadenia orchidis are consideredgood tonics, and also effective for curing gynae-cological disorders, and Picrorhiza kurrooa isused for example in cases of fever and headache.

(4) Cultivation of medicinal plants and enterprise development

The success of medicinal plant cultivationinitiated at Bhyundar village could not beassessed during the project tenure. Farmers haveshown a keen interest in taking more trials andfollowing other methods in the event of failure.The medicinal herbs selected for the present pro-ject are:(1) Dactylorhiza hatagirea(2) Rheum australe(3) Podophyllum hexandrum

For enterprise development in the study area,local communities, the Forest Department, BlockDevelopment authorities, the Herbal ResearchInstitute at Gopeshwar (Headquarters of ChamoliDistrict), the High Altitude Plant PhysiologyResearch Centre, Srinagar Garhwal, Co-opera-tive societies, and many local social workerswere approached. The following points emergedduring discussions with them:

Betula utilis


(a) About 12-15 medicinal herb species werecollected from the wild by the villagers inthe region before 1992 and supplied to theco-operative societies without any restric-tions from the Government.

(b) A second problem in the medicinal plantstrade is the inadequacy of the market.

(c) Despite these challenges the farmers arekeen to cultivate the medicinal herbs.A total of 112 medicinal plants were known

to local people. Before 1992 the local inhabitantswould collect 15-20 species of medicinal plantsfor commercial purposes, but now this collectionfrom the wild has been stopped by order of theGovernment. Local people then collected threespecies. To relieve the pressure on these medici-nal plants the need was felt to cultivate them inorder to:(a) promote ex situ conservation of these

herbs;(b) encourage small farmers to use the village

wastelands and;(c) develop local enterprises for the farmers.

Local inhabitants were keen to cultivatethese medicinal plants, so a short project waslaunched in Bhyundar Valley, funded by theHKH ethnobotany project, and attempts weremade to cultivate the three medicinal herbs,known locally as ‘hathajari’, ‘bankakri’ and‘dolu’. Attempts are also being made to developlocal enterprises and rationalize prices with thehelp of local institutions, and so far these haveyielded encouraging results.

Cannabis sativa

General points and lessons learned

Dactylorhiza hatagirea. Photo: Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas

The ethnobotanical information generated fromthese five case-studies is very useful; the mes-sages from community herbal doctors, practi-tioners and healers, and rural people are impor-tant, and the field observations, experimentationand studies of medicinal plants are meaningful interms of the sustainable utilization and conserva-tion of medicinal plants in the mountain areas ofthe region.

The case-studies demonstrated a generaltrend in approach. Most of the researchers start-ed by reviewing secondary information and dataand then visiting the site for informal discussionsand personal observations to sharpen researchquestions. These unstructured interviews werefollowed by the administration of semi-struc-tured or structured questionnaires, largely at thehousehold level. In the process, a number of key



informants were identified for detailed discus-sion on particular traditional practices andaspects of indigenous knowledge. The collectedinformation was analyzed. This approach can bedescribed as a ‘Rapid Rural Appraisal’ method.An additional important aspect of ethnobotanicalstudies is the inventory of useful plants, and sodue effort was spent by researchers on floral col-lections, herbarium preparation, and identifica-tion. Some researchers also attempted to drawresource maps, seasonality calendars and walktransects, so complementing the informationfrom market surveys. A summary of the variousmethods used by the researchers is presentedbelow.

Methods used(1) Review of secondary information;(2) Personal observation;(3) Setting up site-selection criteria;(4) Socio-economic and resource surveys

(these include interviews and question-naires, seasonality calendars, looking at thedivision of family labour and gender roles,informant identification, and preferenceranking);

(5) Case-studies;(6) Market surveys;(7) Floral inventories (free-listing, herbarium

collections, local classification systems);(8) Demonstration trials for the cultivation of

medicinal plants.In general, the four most widely used tools are: (a) review of secondary information,(b) making personal observations, (c) introducing key informants, and (d) preparing a herbarium collection.

This approach seems to have been the mostpopular one. While many more methods werediscussed in the training workshops, only a fewinvestigators used a variety of methods systemat-ically, although the participants seemed to thinkthat all the methods discussed would be useful.

It appears that the aptitude of all the mem-bers of the research team was important. Forthose researchers who were associated with uni-versities, the interest of their academic supervi-sors and their understanding of how the workshould be carried out played an important role.

Another important factor is that most of theresearchers were not residents of the place wherethe research was conducted. They visited the siteas frequently as they could and stayed for sometime, at best several weeks per visit. During thesevisits the emphasis was on data collection by thequickest means. Therefore the use of question-naires and interviews was popular, as a wealth ofinformation could be accumulated in a shorttime. In training workshops due emphasis was

laid on measuring and physically carrying outvarious methods to verify and supplement theinformation collected through interviews.Unfortunately, only a few researchers followedthis advice.

The need to prepare maps, walk transects,and conduct ecological surveys in the variousresource areas of the local community was alsohighlighted during the training workshops, butthese aspects have also been largely neglected bymost researchers. The reasons given for this werethat these were time-consuming and required agood rapport with the community, which neededcertain special skills such as negotiation and con-flict resolution. Above all, such exercises wouldraise certain levels of expectations amongst thepeople, which would have required follow-upafter the study. In most cases, researchers camefrom academic institutions or organizations faraway from the place of research and thus had lit-tle confidence in any concrete contribution to bemade beyond the level of research.

Another important factor that has come tolight is that there has been little discussion withall the stakeholders; this would have presented amore balanced and complete picture of the issuesrelated to the thematic subjects of the research. Ingeneral it is true that all traditional societies aregoing through some rapid changes in their valuesystems. These changes affect the ways in whichresources are used, as well as ideas and opinionsabout their use. It is therefore essential to assessall the issues from as many aspects as possible,and to discuss them with all the major stakehold-ers and decision-makers. Researchers have tend-ed to concentrate on the custodians of indigenousknowledge only and have not sought the opinionsof other interested parties.

These are some of the lessons that can belearned from the process and the results of thesecase-studies and study grants. Bearing these inmind, and emphasizing the need to generate aspatial understanding of the resource environ-ment and the way in which it is used (particular-ly important in mountain areas), methods such asparticipatory mapping, resource dependence pro-filing, the making of profile diagrams, and thesystematic collecting of data for statistical analy-sis should be considered in future studies.

The most important factor relating to anyapplied research with the community is that theresults of the study should be useful to them.There were very few public meetings at whichpeople could have learned about the nature of thework they would be doing and, at the same time,only limited efforts were made to return theresults of the study to the community. It is impor-tant to reinforce these as key principles forresearchers working on applied ethnobotany infuture.


Medicinal plants market in Arunachal Pradesh. Photo: A. Rastogi

Relevance of the studies to future workThe case-studies mentioned above have, in gen-eral, been successfully implemented, and identi-fy some of the important issues involving indige-nous medical systems in the Himalayas. Theyprovide good examples, showing that traditionalsocieties in this mountain region are highlydependent upon traditional medicine.

Ethnobotany can make a positive contribu-tion by facilitating community participation inthe development of the rural health-care system.This can be accomplished by identifying locallyavailable plant resources, indigenous knowledge,and traditional healers, by strengthening localinstitutions through capacity building, by provid-ing training opportunities for community mem-bers, and by supporting development projectssuch as those for the cultivation of valuable med-icinal plants.

Development activities which put indige-nous knowledge into the context of naturalresource management are particularly important.These can start with a focus on medicinal plantsand with the training of younger villagers in tra-ditional medical knowledge.

Proper documentation of the healing meth-ods, including the main features of the health-care system and the basic characteristics of plantsused is also recommended by the case-studies.

Such work has been carried out in initial eth-nobotany studies in many countries, but remainsfar from complete. Therefore, future studies areneeded in order to establish a medicinal plantinformation database in the countries of theHimalayan region.

ConclusionThe use of herbal medicine has a long traditionamongst all mountain communities in the

Himalayan region. It involves a diversity ofindigenous knowledge and cultural beliefs andconstitutes an important basis for the develop-ment of society.

Due to rapid changes in socio-economic,environmental and cultural beliefs in the region,the use of herbal medicine is in transformation.The impact on societies of introduced allopathicmedicines and modern medical systems has var-ied, but the general trends are that: • traditional knowledge of herbal medicine is

disappearing; • traditional healers are becoming rare and

less respected; • medicinal plants are over-harvested;

• changes in land-use patterns are resulting inthe degradation of natural ecosystems.The conservation of medicinal plants and

traditional medicinal knowledge run in paralleland are important and interrelated. Necessaryfactors include: • community participation in in situ conser-

vation;• the cultivation of economically important

medicinal plants;• support to a younger generation of healers

at community level.Traditional and modern medical practices

must be integrated into a new medical system.Important factors include:• development of new drugs based on herbal

medicine;• training of doctors with the skills both of a

traditional healer and of amodern physi-cian;

• law-enforcement to support the establish-ment of integrated institutions which wouldinclude pharmacopoeia, hospitals, trainingcentres, pharmaceutical companies, drugstores, and research centres.



��

The Himalayan region The Himalayan region is characterized by itsdiverse biophysical environment and by theextremely rich cultural milieu of its inhabitants,who belong to hundreds of ethnic groups andindigenous communities. Though many systemsof exchange exist between the numerous soci-eties of the Himalayan region, it remains verymarginalized politically and economically. Thisis because firstly the small societies living inremote mountain environments are not well rep-resented in centralized political governments,and secondly because its remoteness does notfacilitate access to education, health services orsignificant industrial or agricultural develop-ments. Major religions prevailing in theHimalayan region include Buddhism, Hinduismand Islam, as well as more local religions oftenbased on the cult of ancestors or Shamanism.

Plant resource management Plant resource management is the way plants areused, harvested, cultivated or protected on thebasis of a common knowledge system and spe-cial rules shared by the members of a given soci-ety. Management implies a system which aims atconserving the resource base: indeed exploitativeand extractive methods which lead to the destruc-tion of the resource base are the result of mis-management.

Management also implies a sound empiricalif not scientific knowledge of a plant’s biologicalcharacteristics, i.e. its ecology, rate of regenera-tion, seasonality and phenology, as well as asound understanding about the amount of plantsor plant parts which can be extracted withoutaffecting the plants’ populations (Peters, 1994).Other aspects of sustainable management relateto the society level, i.e. how all members of onesociety co-ordinate their efforts to achieve sus-tainable management. This implies the existenceof specific rules governing access to theresources whilst maintaining proper limitationand control systems.

Biological resources of the HimalayasWild plant resources provide a variety of basicneeds to rural and urban communities, such asbuilding materials, fuel, food supplements, mate-rials for crafts, and medicines. They are also asource of income. The depletion of favouredplant resources results in a loss of self-sufficien-

cy and economic opportunity for local people. Itcan also lead to resource management problemsin conservation areas, as they can become focalpoints for the harvesting of selected species,resulting in a loss of diversity, and growing con-flict between resource users and resource man-agers.

Mountain systems in the Himalayas havelong been neglected by the rest of the worldbecause of their inaccessibility and poverty. Asthe fundamental building blocks for develop-ment, biological resources provide the basis forthe subsistence of mountain people and thepotential for the development of mountaineconomies. Mountain people use a wide varietyof species, and communities manage the envi-ronment as a whole, integrated system ratherthan as separate ecosystems. From such percep-tions and practices over time, mountain peoplehave constructed a system for the use and main-tenance of natural resources. This is referred toas the ‘informal knowledge system’ or the‘indigenous knowledge system’.

Modern systems of resource utilization andmethods of economic development compete forresources from the natural environment by usingformal knowledge and modern technology.Operations under these systems concentrate onexploiting a particular species with a high eco-nomic value, either in wild harvesting or in agri-culture, and neglect the important variations ofuse of cultural mountain society traditions. Thishas resulted in the degradation of the mountainenvironment and its resources.

The traditional utilization of biologicallydiverse resources in the mountain region of theHimalayas reflects a diverse resource use patternand thus diffused exploitation of one species.Natural resource management systems are local-ized systems which form the basis for decision-making for rural people. Since the majority ofland-based production systems in the Himalayanregion operate under indigenous knowledge sys-tems, they are of value not only to the culturesfrom which they evolve, but also to scientists andplanners striving to improve conditions in ruralsocieties. However, there is tremendous pressurefor socio-economic change. With this the ethno-ecological knowledge and cultural traditionswhich have been continuously developed andtransferred from generation to generation arebeginning to be lost.

The natural settings of the Himalayas havealso influenced resource management. Biophysi-cal characteristics include hills ranging fromslopes to very steep highlands, mild to extreme


temperatures, relative aridity, fragmented land-scapes, and high variations in altitudinal rangeand sun exposure. All these characteristics giverise to a number of ecozones, within which isfound a large diversity of microclimates andmicroenvironments. Biological resources arevery varied; vegetation types are highly diverse,and endemism is high (Shrestha and Joshi, 1996).Due to a scarcity of resources, together with cli-matic constraints, mountain societies frequentlyexploit different ecozones at different periods ofthe year, or rely on two or more types of activitysuch as agriculture, herding, trade, and naturalresource use.

As a result of these natural and socio-eco-nomic constraints, people depend heavily on nat-ural resources, and future development is tiedinto their sustainable use. Decentralized commu-nity-based management systems are vital in thisregion. However, any attempts to develop com-munity-based management systems should notremain isolated; such experiences should beexchanged and shared, on a horizontal level withother societies sharing either common biophysi-cal or cultural settings, and vertically in order toinclude scientific, developmental and conserva-tion views from the national level. Today allsocieties are linked to the more global environ-ment, especially through trade, which was prob-ably the first industry to reach the remotestplaces of the world. Networking for the exchangeof knowledge and information related to trade aswell as technologies and opportunities is essen-tial for the Himalayan societies.

Traditional use and manage-ment of medicinal plants in the HimalayasMedicinal plants play an important part in thehealth-care systems of traditional mountain soci-eties. In the Himalayan region, it is estimated that70-80% of the rural population depend on tradi-tional medicine for primary health-care today,even though allopathic medicine is available inmany parts. Food, health-care and wood-energyare the basic needs of mountain people. There areno alternative resource options to ensure the sur-vival of traditional mountain communities underthe harsh conditions which characterize theregion.

Medicinal plants are also an importantsource of income in this region, contributing tothe economic development of mountain commu-nities, and supporting modern industrial develop-ment both inside and outside the region. The totalnumber of medicinal plants in the Himalayas isapproximately 7,500 species (Pei, 1998). Theseplants play an important role in the biodiversityof the region and have great conservation valuefor global biodiversity.

The Himalayas host the three largest tradi-tional medical systems in the world: Ayurvedicmedicine, Chinese medicine, and Unani medi-cine. This region is the only geographical areaamong the world’s large mountain systems (e.g.the Himalayan, Andean, African, and Europeanmountain systems) that possesses both richmedicinal plant diversity and great traditionalmedical knowledge. It has been documented inliterature from ancient times, allowing methodsfor treating illness to be passed down from gen-eration to generation. The traditional manage-ment of medicinal plants and practices of herbalmedicine are built on the basis of local knowl-edge. There is a long tradition of using medici-nal plants for both preventive and curativehealth-care by rural societies. Local people havedeveloped reliable knowledge and effectivemethods to identify, harvest, utilize, maintainand preserve medicinal plants and their habitatsfor sustainable use and protection. The ethno-medical and ecological knowledge, and culturaltraditions involved, have been continuouslydeveloped, and transferred from generation togeneration.

The transition from centuries of isolation tointense interaction with the outside world since1950 has been rapid and abrupt. Traditional sys-tems of knowledge, including medicine, havedisintegrated in the mountainous areas of theregion. Modern development interventions,access to modern allopathic medicine andimproved health-care facilities have resulted inpopulation growth. These have furthermorecaused changes in the consumption pattern ofmedicinal plants amongst mountain societies,from home and local use in small quantities tomassive harvesting for marketing in large quanti-ties. Changes in resource tenure systems result-ing in uncontrolled over-harvesting of wild med-icinal plants and the loss of traditional knowl-edge about medicinal plants and conservationtraditions are further consequences.

Field-based research and community partici-pation in the documentation, application and pro-liferation of indigenous knowledge about medic-inal plant resources and their management can bea part of the process for coping with suchchanges, without losing valuable local traditionand biodiversity. Hence the importance of eth-nobotany applied in conservation and communi-ty development. Understanding the indigenousknowledge of mountain people in relation to bio-diversity resource management and cultural tra-ditions is important for the development of theHindu Kush-Himalayan region. It is necessary toidentify changes in resource management, cul-ture, decision-making, and tenure systems, aswell as overall changes in the social and eco-nomic relationships to resources in order to facethe changing realities of mountain societies in theregion.



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Annex: Case studies and Proceedings

Case Studies(1) Hussain F. 1998. Ethnobotany of fruit plantsand its application for conservation and commu-nity development in Drosh Valley, Chitral(Hindu Kush-Himalaya Region) of Pakistan.Unpublished report, ICIMOD, Kathmandu.

(2) Changkija, S.; Yaden, A. and Aier, A. 1997.Ethnobotanical study on traditional sustainablecultivation based on Alder tree (Alnus nepalen-sis) practices by the Naga tribes of Nagaland,India. Unpublished report, ICIMOD,Kathmandu, 39 pp. incl. annexes and pl.

(3) Godbole, A. 1997. The use of indigenousknowledge in mountain resource management: acase study of Wancho community, TirapDistrict, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Unpublishedreport, 69 pp. incl. annexes and pl.

(4) Alam, M. K. and Khisa, S. K. 1997.Preliminary studies in ethnobotany of ChittagongHill Tracts, Bangladesh, and its linkage with bio-diversity. Unpublished report, ICIMODKathmandu, 25 pp.

(5) Millat-e-Mustapha, M. 1998. The ecologyand indigenous management techniques of tribalhomegardens - a case study of Marma tribe inRangamati Hill District, Bangladesh.Unpublished report, ICIMOD Kathmandu 30 pp.

(6) Rajbandhandary, S.; Dangol, N. and Karna,B.K. 1997. Community based case study onindigenous system of Sal (Shorea robusta) forestmanagement. Unpublished report, ICIMOD,Kathmandu, 64 pp. incl.annexes and pl.

(7) Manandhar N.P. & Archarya S.K. 1997.Application of indigenous knowledge of foddertrees in Kalikhastan, Rasuwa District, Nepal.Unpublished report, ICIMOD, Kathmandu, 27pp. incl. annexes and pl.

List of Proceedings publishedfrom the Project on AppliedEthnobotany in the Hindu Kush-Himalayas (1995-1998)Applied EthnobotanyProceedings of sub-regional Training Workshopon Applied Ethnobotany at Bangladesh ForestResearch Institute, Chittagong, (December 17-22, 1997), Editors: R. L. Banik, M. K. Alam; S.J. Pei and A. Rostogi. Published by BangladeshForest Research Institute 1998.

Ethnobotany for Conservation andCommunity DevelopmentProceedings of the National Training Workshopin Nepal (January 6 -13, 1997), Editors: K. K.Shrestha, P. K. Jha, Pei Shengji, A. Rastogj, S.Rajbhandary and M. Joshi. Publisher:Ethnobotnical Society of Nepal (ESON) 1998.

Applied EthnobotanyProceedings of the National Training Workshopon Applied Ethnobotany in China, Editors: PeiShengji & Long Chun-lin. Yunnan NationalityPress, China 1998.

Applied Ethnobotany in Natural ResourceManagement - Traditional Home GardensHighlights of Training Workshop held atKohima, Nagaland, India, 18-23, June 1997;Editors: A. Rastogi, A. Godbole and PeiShengji. Published by International Centre forIntegrated Mountain Development. Kathmandu,Nepal 1998.

Proceedings, First Training Workshop onEthnobotany and its Application toConservation, September 16-21, 1996, Editors:Z. K. Shinwari, B. A. Khan and A. A. Khan.Published by: National Herbarium/PASA, 1996.


Already published in this series:

1. Cunningham, A. B. 1993. African medicinal plants: Setting priorities at the interface between conservationand primary healthcare. (This publication is also available in Spanish.)

2. Cunningham, A. B. and Mbenkum, F. T. 1993. Sustainability of harvesting Prunus africana bark inCameroon: A medicinal plant in international trade.

3. Aumeeruddy, Y. 1994. Local representations and management of agroforests on the periphery of KerinciSeblat National Park, Sumatra, Indonesia. (This publication is also available in French and Spanish.)

4. Cunningham, A. B. 1996. People, park and plant use: Recommendations for multiple-use zones and devel-opment alternatives around Bwindi Impenetable National Park, Uganda. (This publication is also availablein French.)

5. Wild, R. and Mutebi, J. 1996. Conservation through community use of plant resources: Establishing collab-orative management at Bwindi Impenetrable and Mgahinga Gorilla National Parks, Uganda. (This publica-tion is also available in French.)

6. Höft, M., Barik, S. K. and Lykke, A. M. 1999. Quantitative ethnobotany: Applications of multivariate and sta-tistical analyses in ethnobotany.

7. Aumeeruddy-Thomas, Y., Saigal, S., Kapoor, N. and Cunningham, A. B. 1999. Joint management in themaking: Reflections and experiences.

8. Maundu, P., Berger, D., Saitabau, C. ole, Nasieku, J., Kukutia, M., Kipelian, M., Kone, S., Mathenge, S.,Morimoto, Y., Höft, R. 2001. Ethnobotany of the Loita Maasai: Towards community management of theForest of the Lost Child. Experiences from the Loita Ethnobotany Project.

9. Martin, G. J., Lee Agama, A., Beaman, J. H. and Nais, J. 2002. Projek Etnobotani Kinabalu. The making ofa Dusun Ethnoflora (Sabah, Malaysia).

10. Cunningham, A. B., Ayuk, E., Franzel, S., Duguma, B. and Asanga, C. 2002. An economic evaluation ofmedicinal tree cultivation: Prunus africana in Cameroon.

11. Hamilton, A. C., Pei Shengji, Kessy, J., Khan, Ashiq A., Lagos-Witte, S. and Shinwari, Z. K. 2003. The pur-poses and teaching of Applied Ethnobotany.

The People and Plants Initiative

was started in July 1992 by WWF, UNESCO and theRoyal Botanic Gardens, Kew to promote the sustain-able and equitable use of plant resources throughproviding support to ethnobotanists from developingcountries.

The initiative stems from the recognition that peoplein rural communities often have detailed andprofound knowledge of the properties and ecology oflocally occurring plants, and rely on them for many oftheir foods, medicines, fuel, building materialsand other products. However, muchof this knowledge is being lost with the transformationof local ecosystems and local cultures. Over-harvesting of non cultivated plants is increasinglycommon, caused by loss of habitat, increase in localuse and the growing demands of trade. Long-termconservation of plant resources and the knowledgeassociated with them is needed for the benefit of thelocal people and for their potential use to localcommunities in other places.

The diversity of traditional plant-resourcemanagement practices runs through a spectrum from“cultivation” through to gathering “wild” plants, all ofwhich are included in the People and Plantsapproach.

Ethnobotanists can work together with local people tostudy and record the uses of plant resources, identifycases of over-harvesting of non-cultivated plants, findsustainable harvesting methods and investigatealternatives such as cultivation.

The People and Plants initiative is building supportfor ethnobotanists from developing countries whowork with local people on issues related to theconservation of both plant resources and traditionalecological knowledge. Key participants organizeparticipatory workshops, undertake discussion andadvisory visits to field projects and provide literatureon ethnobotany, traditional ecological knowledge andsustainable plant resource use. It is hoped that anetwork of ethnobotanists working on these issuesin different countries and regions can be developed toexchange information, share experience andcollaborate on field projects.

Please visit our website at:http://www.rbgkew.org.uk/peopleplants

Contact addresses:

WWF International Plants Conservation UnitWWF-UKPanda House, Catteshall Lane,Godalming Surrey GU7 1XRUNITED KINGDOMFax: 44 1483 426409

Division of Ecological SciencesUNESCO7 Place de Fontenoy75352 Paris Cedex 07 SP FRANCEFax: 33 1 45685804

The DirectorRoyal Botanic Gardens, KewRichmond Surrey TW9 3ABUNITED KINGDOMFax: 44 181 3325278

applied ethnobotany: case-studies from the himalayan region

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