an examination of contemporary use of the …

ISSN: 2158-7051====================

INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OFRUSSIAN STUDIES

====================ISSUE NO. 9 ( 2020/1 )

AN EXAMINATION OF CONTEMPORARY USE OF THE TRADITIONAL

NOMADIC INFANT CRADLE BOARD (BESHIK) AMONG THE KYRGYZ

OF BISHKEK, KYRGYZSTAN

JAKE ZAWLACKI * , MATTHEW DERRICK **

Summary

The Kyrgyz beshik is a Central Asian traditional cradle board similar in structure and purpose tocradle boards found in other formerly nomadic cultures. This form of swaddling is a premodernpractice that has well documented risks, the most notable being developmental dysplasia of the hip.Its usage in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan, has largely been undocumented. We collected surveydata of local participants to understand which Kyrgyz are most likely to use the beshik. Most of ourfindings were consistent with modernization theory in that increased levels of education,urbanization, and degrees of Russification of a household all had inverse relationships with likelinessof beshik usage. Participants with parents from the southern provinces of Kyrgyzstan aresignificantly more likely to use the beshik than those with parents from the northern provinces.

Key Words: Swaddling, traditional medical practices, cradle board, Kyrgyz, Kyrgyzstan.

Introduction

The Central Asian cradle board, known in Kyrgyz as the beshik, is a traditional nomadicinfant cradle that historically has been used throughout Central Asia, including the post-Sovietcountries Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, as well as amongCentral Asian minority populations in Iran, Mongolia, Turkey, and Afghanistan (Turkestantravel2018). The beshik is most useful within its original nomadic context, as observed among other

64International Journal of Russian Studies, No. 9/1 ( January 2020 )

nomadic cultures such as the Sami of northern Scandinavia and the Navajo and Apache NativeAmerican tribes (Melbin 1962: 62-66). By immobilizing the arms and legs and binding them straightagainst the cradle board, the beshik protects the infant from the dangers that come with nomadicsettings, such as exposure to animals, open fires, and treacherous terrain. The beshik offers anadditional benefit of providing security and comfort within this tightened form of swaddling. A studyof irritability in infants indicates that swaddling infants often exhibits favorable results regardingsleep, crying, and overall irritability (Lipton et al. 1964: 562). The beshik is also a cost-effectivealternative to diapers while maintaining a basis of cleanliness for the infant.

There are, however, risks that have been found among traditionally nomadic cultures that usecradle boards of similar design. Plagiocephaly, the flattening of the head, and developmentaldysplasia of the hip (DDH), a congenital hip disorder referring to an abnormality of the pelvis inrelation to the femoral head and complete congenital hip dislocation, have all been linked totraditional swaddling techniques similar to the Kyrgyz cradle board (Loder & Skopelja 2011; Blatt2015). Infants with scoliosis also had a tenfold increased rate of DDH compared to those without(Hooper 1980: 449). While plagiocephaly is mostly benign in its consequences, DDH often results ina lifelong physical disability lacking a noninvasive solution.

Kyrgyzstan’s current medical system makes it difficult to gather data on the specifics of eachtype of disability. This is especially the case when a shortened leg or a mild limp is perceived associally and culturally acceptable and even normal, as seen in Navajo populations (Rabin et al. 1966:43). Western researchers understand DDH as a disease (Rabin et al. 1966), and it furthermoreaccounts for a large portion of physical disabilities in Kyrgyzstan; however, that portion cannot bedetermined under the current medical system’s analysis and discernment of physical disabilities.Loder and Skopelja’s analysis of DDH in over four hundred peer-reviewed articles indicates that thecontinued use of improper swaddling techniques, such as straight-legged swaddling present in thebeshik, contributes a significant risk factor in the development of the disease (Loder & Skopelja2011: 23). The evidence presents itself in various studies including Navajo, Apache, and Saminomadic populations. Past research indicates proper swaddling techniques will not only reduce therisk factors for DDH, but also provide the same benefits as the Kyrgyz beshik (Ishida 1993).

Against the foregoing, in this paper we address the guiding following questions: Howprevalent is the use of the beshik in Kyrgyzstan? Which segments of the population are more likelyto utilize the device on their children? And why might people in Kyrgyzstan, and more broadlyCentral Asia, in the face of contemporary medical evidence suggesting risks involved with using thebeshik, continue to use the traditional cradle board long after abandoning the nomadic lifestyle forwhich the beshik was intended. We investigate these questions through analysis of data we collectedthrough original social surveys conducted during the fall and winter of 2017 in Bishkek, the capitaland primate city of Kyrgyzstan. Our null hypothesis is as follows: The likelihood of thecontemporary Kyrgyz to use the beshik positively correlates to the proximity to traditionalnomadism. In proximity we first speak in temporal terms, ‘traditional’ counterposed to ‘modern’ or‘modernized’. However, our utilization of proximity is also employed on a spatial axis, as certaingeographic areas—specifically, the northern part of Kyrgyzstan, part of the great Eurasiansteppe—are more historically associated with nomadism than other geographic areas, i.e. the southof Kyrgyzstan, site to Osh and historical settlements of the Ferghana Valley. To test our nullhypothesis, we examine the correlation between four different independent variables—homelanguage, education level, parents’ birth region, and length of time in Bishkek—and inclination touse the beshik.


Background

The sovereign Republic of Kyrgyzstan is located in Central Asia and shares borders betweenUzbekistan, Tajikistan, China, and Kazakhstan. It is a landlocked country with roughly 6 millioninhabitants, two-thirds who live in rural areas (Kyrgyz Republic 2013); another 1 million live in thecapital city Bishkek, the main destination of rapid post-Soviet migration and urbanization within thecountry. Contemporary Kyrgyzstan combines historical nomadism, Russian cultural influences, andcontemporary Western influences. In the mid-nineteenth century, the area that currently comprisescontemporary Kyrgyzstan was incorporated into the Russian Empire and in 1924 became part of theSoviet Union (Asankanov et al. 2016; Osmonov 2017). The Kyrgyz, who natively speak a KipchakTurkic language (closely related to Kazakh and Tatar), moved from a historically nomadic way oflife to a sedentary lifestyle through agriculture and urbanization over the past two hundred years(Boyanin 2011). This relatively recent break from nomadism has left some persistent culturaltraditions in its wake. The beshik is an example of this persistence.

Central Asia is generally considered to consist of the five post-Soviet countries that end in–stan: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. For the purposes of thisstudy, however, Central Asia refers to an area that encompasses the Turkic-speaking, Muslim-majority ethnic groups that currently reside in the five post-Soviet Central Asian states, and thepockets of minorities that cross over into other political borders.[1] This broadens the political bordersbeyond what we currently consider Central Asia, and includes areas of Russia, Turkey, China,Afghanistan, Mongolia, Iran, and Pakistan as well as some parts of the Caucuses where CentralAsian ethnic minorities inhabit. This is necessary because of the dispersed nature of Central Asianethnic groups and the relatively recent implementation of discrete political borders (Reeves 2014).The Central Asian cradle board then is not isolated to these five post-Soviet Central Asian countries.

Today in Kyrgyzstan large numbers of people continue to use the beshik much in the mannertheir ancestors had in prior centuries (see Figure 1). Many of the inhabitants of the previously listedcountries of Central Asia, however, no longer use the beshik. With little research done on the topic,it is difficult to identify which parts of Central Asia the beshik is being actively used, or where it isseen as a tradition with little real-world application. This distinction is apparent in numerous tourismwebsites where the beshik is most often referred to in conjunction with the beshik toi, a celebrationusually occurring forty days after the birth of the child serving a similar function as a Western babyshower (turkestantravel 2018). A tourism website in Uzbekistan, for example, places strong emphasison tradition with little emphasis on its functionality or practicality:

This ancient ceremony has been preserved in Uzbekistan culture from times [sic] immemorialand still is one of the most popular holidays in Uzbekistan. For every family it is a great holiday. Allrelatives, neighbors and family friends are involved in the preparation to the beshik-tui. It iscelebrated on the fortieth day after birthday of a child. Relatives of the young mother bring ‘beshik’,a beautifully embollished [sic] cradle, clothes, and everything necessary for a newborn. Also it is acustom to bring bread, sweets and toys, wrapped in clothes. Traditionally, while guests enjoy andregaling themselves at the holiday table, in the nursery elder women carry on the rite of firstswaddling and placing the child into the ‘beshik’. The ceremony finishes with a presentation of achild, during which invited guests present the child with gifts. (Advantour 2018)

The inclusion of the beshik in Uzbekistan tour websites shows the self-observed importanceof the tradition to Uzbek culture. This tradition, while found in Kazakh and Kyrgyz populations aswell (RFERL 2015), is more of a nod to traditional practices than it is an implementation oftraditional practices in modern settings.


The beshik’s construction includes multiple components. The frame is made of wood andoften painted or embellished with traditional designs. The floor of the beshik features an opening tohold a receptacle for excrement. Depending on the sex of the infant, a chechek, a Kyrgyz type offlute for urine, is placed between the legs of the infant. The infant is wrapped in cloth and bundledwith the legs and arms straight against the body. Oftentimes the beshik will also be covered with atype of hood to ensure a dark sleeping environment for the infant. Most Kyrgyz beshiks are built tobe low to the ground however there are examples found in Kazakh populations that have longer legsstanding higher above the ground.

It is important to note here the synonymous nature of ‘swaddling’ and the use of the beshikin Kyrgyz populations. The two ideas are interlinked because, as of yet, there exists no alternative inthe public eye of long-term swaddling without the use of the beshik. There is evidence of mothersswaddling their children outside of the beshik, generally under conditions of transportation, but inthe eyes of the public using the beshik undoubtedly means swaddling and swaddling means using thebeshik. Our survey data are clear in pointing out the lack of alternative swaddling techniques in theminds of the public. Operating under this assumption, not only the comparison between other cradleboards can be made, but also of other swaddling practices as well. There was not a single surveyparticipant who mentioned swaddling their child outside of a beshik.

The beshik itself is a long-held tradition that predates conceptions of modern Central Asianethno-national groups (Advantour 2018). The wooden structure and frame are prone to rapiddegradation, making an archaeological account of the prior claim impossible. The beshik hasremained in use over the centuries because of beneficial reasons, many of which are largelyforgotten by cultural groups who have used or continue to use the device. As seen in numerousNative American tribes and the Sami people, having children immobilized provides many advantagesin a nomadic lifestyle (Rabin et al. 1966). Basic advantages in a traditional nomadic home mightinclude safety from domestic animals, open fires, and ease of transportation. The beshik is not only aproduct of nomadism but generally of nomadism in colder temperatures. (Loder & Shafer 2014). Anexception to this theory is the circumpolar Inuit populations, where the infant is not bound to acradle board but is instead carried beneath a hood inside of the mother’s coats, leaving the legsspread around the body of the mother (Erikkson et al. 1980). A comparison of both Sami and Inuitpopulations, the former using a traditional cradle board, indicates a marked difference in theoccurrence of DDH: There was an occurrence of 24.6 of 1000 in the Sami population compared to alower rate comparable to Caucasians for the Inuit populations (SAAM 2001; Melbin 1962: 62-66).Evidence of an increased risk of DDH is also found when comparing Africans and NativeAmericans. Native American groups that used cradle boards had a much higher risk of DDH thanethnic Africans (Loder & Skopelja, 2011). The explanation for a lower occurrence of DDH in ethnicAfricans is due to the way infants are carried on the backs of mothers with the legs splayed open.This differs from the straight-legged swaddling of the beshik, which does not allow for hip mobilityand thus increases the risk of DDH. Climate also plays an important role in whether a cultural groupadopts warm swaddling practices as well as cradle boards (Loder & Shafer 2014).

Further benefits of the beshik can be found in a cursory assessment. It provides warmth,security, pressure, and a dark environment for the sleeping infant, who sometimes remain in thebeshik for up to eight hours a day for up to two years. Key benefits also include the ability to rockthe infant, breastfeed the infant while in the beshik, and freeing up time for the mother, the latterbeing a common reason found in the interviewed population.

Drawbacks of the beshik also exist in contemporary usage. The most publicly aware sideeffect accompanied with the beshik is plagiocephaly, the malformation of the cranium generally


resulting in a flattened back of the head. This results from the infant being positioned face up in thebeshik for a long duration of time during developmental stages. Medical research on plagiocephaly islimited, with no substantial findings indicating that it hinders brain development in any way. Studiesof DDH in infants who were swaddled in a form of cradle board, as previously mentioned before,have provided evidence that the forced straightening of an infant’s legs increases the risk of DDH(Loder & Skopelja 2011: 23). This, as our interviews revealed, is largely unrecognized by the publicand more commonly referred to as aksap basat roughly translating to ‘a walking limp’, which wouldrefer to individuals with a complete dislocation of the femoral head from the hip socket resulting in adramatic rocking gait. The more common reference to people with DDH is having one leg shorterthan the other. A shortened leg can be attributed to many factors such as nutritional deficiency,trauma, or pelvic tilt but also includes DDH (AAOS 2018). If the femoral head is partially dislocatedfrom the pelvis, one leg will be functionally shorter than the other because of the different heights ofthe femur. It is also possible that the pelvis will tilt to compensate for this discrepancy which wouldincrease the risk of spine related complications. While these issues are routinely checked for andaddressed at early stages in Western medical practices, our fieldwork suggests that they are largelyunknown among those who use the beshik in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.

Literature Review

Little literature exists on the topic of DDH in Central Asia. To a significant degree, this theresult of a combination of infrastructural problems and data collection methods. The first difficulty inanalyzing DDH among the Kyrgyz population is the lack of awareness of the disease itself. Oursurvey results also indicate follow-up consultations with the child with no mention of properswaddling techniques. This lack of awareness on the part of healthcare providers mirrors a lack ofdiscretion between different types of physical disabilities as seen in the US State Department’sanalysis as well as the Kyrgyz Ministry of Health reports (Kyrgyz Republic 2013). Determining therate of DDH or congenital dislocation is not possible given the lack of analysis and reporting of thesediseases. Another reason DDH and dislocation are not well understood in Kyrgyzstan is because ofthe varying cultural definitions of physical disability.

As seen in a study of Navajo populations, the definition of physical disability varied amongurban and rural groups (Rabin et al. 1965). DDH and the more severe hip dislocation was not seen asa disability among the rural populations because it was not an impediment to bearing children,walking, horse riding, or other routine tasks and was therefore not considered a disease needingcorrection. A similar claim can be made of Kyrgyz populations who regard a leg significantly shorterthan the other as a common issue that can be solved with altered footwear. Rabin’s insight providesa partial explanation to why this disability has not been fully investigated in Kyrgyzstan.

Swaddling has been linked to DDH and congenital hip dislocation for centuries. The practiceof straight-legged swaddling has largely fell out of Western culture during the past two centuries andhas subsequently been a non-issue for inhabitants of Europe and North America. The early debate ofwhether to swaddle children in Western culture is observed in Jean Jacques Rousseau’s analysis inEmile:

It is maintained that unswaddled infants would assume faulty positionsand make movements which might injure the proper development of their limbs. That is oneof the empty arguments of our false wisdom which has never been confirmed by experience.Out of all the crowds of children who grow up with the full use of their limbs among nationswiser than ourselves, you never find one who hurts himself or maims himself; their


movements are too feeble to be dangerous, and when they assume an injurious position, painwarns them to change it. (Rousseau 1767: 11)Rousseau asserts that liberated children belong to ‘nations wiser than ourselves’ to statephilosophical repercussions as well as physical. Since the time of Rousseau, the tradition ofswaddling fell out of common practice in Western Europe, which can attribute to thedecreased rate of DDH in Caucasians compared to populations that still use straight-leggedswaddling techniques (Loder & Skopelja 2011: 28).A reduced rate of DDH was achieved in Japan after a national campaign to alter traditional

swaddling techniques succeeded in targeting congenital hip dislocation (Ishida 1977). The campaignwas a response to the straight-legged swaddling technique found in the traditional Japanese cradlebasket that has obvious similarities to the Central Asian beshik. Native American populations havealso found a decrease in DDH and congenital dislocation of the hip which may be attributed to thedisappearance of the tradition as well as the inclusion of diapers inside the cradle, thus mobilizing thehips to some degree as hypothesized by Rabin et al. (1965). This could be a possible route forKyrgyz and other groups still using similar practices.

The use of the beshik among Central Asian cultural groups is comparable to swaddlingbecause there are no current alternatives to the cradle board. Either someone uses the beshik or doesnot swaddle at all. With this assumption, we can compare attitudes from other cultures that swaddletheir children. Reasons for swaddling infants include comfort, warmth, stability, as well as giving themother free time to accomplish other tasks (Lipton et al. 1965).

A component of swaddling for which there is no measure in Kyrgyzstan’s current medicalsystem is sudden infant death incident (SUDI), which includes sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS)as well as other fatal sleeping accidents. In an analysis conducted in Australia to determine theimpact of climate on SUDI, researchers found there to be an exceptionally increased rate of SUDIwhen the infant was born in the summer months, making climate the most significant factor indetermining the risk of SUDI (Beal & Porter 1991: 278). The proposed reason for this being infantsborn in summer months had a higher risk of SUDI because of the extra cloth and bedding the infantslept with during the winter. Swaddling in a supine position is not a common practice in Australiaand was recommended as a possible solution to decrease the risk of SUDI. Numerous studies haveshown the supine position to be beneficial in preventing SUDI and is currently recommended as thepreferred practice for mothers (Task Force 2016). Climate also impacts the rate of swaddling andtherefore an increased rate of DDH (Loder & Shafer 2014: 11). A comprehensive literature reviewof seasonal variation in DDH indicated that 80 per cent of DDH cases occurred in colder months inboth northern and southern hemispheres. While there is significant evidence in support of the winterclothing hypothesis, there also existed spikes in DDH occurrence in spring and summer whichrefutes the hypothesis to a degree (Loder & Shafer 2014). More research needs to be done toestablish stronger correlations between climate and season of birth and the rate of DDH. Swaddlingin the supine position therefore provides a range of benefits when executed properly, andconsiderable disadvantages, sometimes fatal, if executed improperly.

In more recent studies, the practice of swaddling has been linked to cases of hyperthermia,especially when the infant’s head is covered, as well as a higher incidence of respiratory infections inwarm homes (Short 1998; Beal & Porter 1991). This was found to be true in an unfortunate fatalityresulting from hyperthermia (van Gestel et al. 2002). The case involves a Roma family living in theNetherlands with twins. Under advice from the grandmother to reduce irritability in thegranddaughter, the mother began swaddling both children in traditional form. This led tohyperthermic conditions that resulted in the death of one of the children. Van Gestel et al. (2002)


speculate on the role of tradition and parental influence in this specific case of swaddling:It is likely that social and ethnical circumstances of the parents played an important role inthe described cases. Respect for older people and the adherence to traditional habits incombination with the inexperience of the mother created the circumstances for the dramaticcourse. The grandmother’s advice to swaddle the children and keep them in a well-heatedroom may have been good advice traditionally. Nowadays, however, the circumstances inwhich the Roma live are different from the past: their mobile homes are well-insulated, allhave central heating, and winters in the Netherlands are moderate compared with winters inthe Balkan area. This requires additional measures when a child is swaddled, such as regularchecks of rectal temperature and supplemental fluids for the child. (van Gestel 2002: 2)It is important to note the similarities in environmental changes between Roma and Kyrgyz

populations. Only with recent changes in housing structures have Kyrgyz moved away fromtraditional types of housing to more Russian and Western-style houses (Boyanin 2011). This resultsin a warmer household that may induce similar risks when coupled with traditional practices meantfor historically different living conditions. The documentation for specific causes of death in infantsin Kyrgyzstan is limited (Kyrgyz Republic 2013). Without proper documentation of clearlyidentifiable symptoms of swaddling practices such as DDH and plagiocephaly, the health caresystem in Kyrgyzstan may be decades away from determining increased rates of hyperthermia orrespiratory infections in infants.

A study in Turkey investigating mothers and the likelihood of swaddling their children basedon certain variables found a decrease in swaddling as the level of maternal education and socio-economic status increased among participants (Yilmaz 2012). The most common reason forswaddling among participants was cited as ‘That’s what I learned from my elders’, at 38 percent ofthe surveyed population (Yilmaz 2012: 132). Tradition is found to be a common motivator for thispractice as found among Turkish, Navajo, and Roma. As we found in our surveys, the same is truefor the surveyed Kyrgyz populations, who answered tradition to be the most common factor indeciding to use the beshik with their child.

Methodology

This article draws on data derived from an original social survey designed to gaugedemographics, public attitudes, and household practices vis-à-vis the beshik. A total of 219 surveyswere conducted with the help of locally trained research assistants. All participants in this studywere surveyed in public areas in Bishkek, the capital and primate city of Kyrgyzstan. The areas werechosen because of the heavy pedestrian traffic, helping to assure a significant degree of randomnessin sampling. All adults were included in the sampling frame with no preference given to gender, age,or any other demographic.

The survey requested demographic information specific to the years and generations ofmoving to Bishkek, the number of people and children in the household, highest level of education inthe household, conversational language in household, household income, age, religion, gender, andtype of housing. The number of years and generations in living in Bishkek indicate the level ofurbanization of the family. The number of people and children living in the household are taken aspotential indicators of class, development, and/or the closeness of the family unit, as well as thepossible influence of family members on the usage of the beshik. The highest level of education andlanguage spoken regularly in the household was surveyed as additional measures of class- andcultural-based affinity. Income, age, religion, gender, and housing were asked to provide


foundational demographics and find correlations that may be attributed to these differences.The survey also included specific questions regarding the Kyrgyz beshik, including household

beshik ownership, use with a child, duration of usage, medical doctor’s consultation, and thedoctor’s subsequent recommendation in favor of or against the use of the beshik. Ownership wasdetermined by whether a beshik was in the residence. The usage of the beshik was a prerequisitequestion for follow-up information. If participants did not have children, they were asked if thebeshik would be used in the future. The duration of months the beshik was used was gathered todetermine an estimated length of time Kyrgyz people use the beshik with their children. Participantswere also asked if a medical practitioner had ever consulted them regarding swaddling or the beshik.If participants had been consulted, they then asked if the medical practitioner had given advice foror against the use of the beshik. This was to determine the content and consistency of medicaladvice.

In addition to quantitative survey data, our research is informed by semi-structuredinterviews with a sub-sample as well as participant observation and informal discussions that tookplace while carrying out the interviews.

Results

The use of the beshik remains widespread among the surveyed Kyrgyz. Of those surveyed,two-thirds (147 of 219) had used or intended to use the traditional Central Asian cradle board ontheir children. To discern which sectors of this population are more likely to employ the beshik, wedeploy analysis against the following null hypothesis: The likelihood of contemporary Kyrgyz to usethe beshik positively correlates to the proximity to traditional nomadism. We address two aspects ofproximity: temporal and geographic.

To address the temporal aspect of proximity, understood in basic scholarly terms of‘traditional’ counterposed to ‘modern’ or ‘modernized’ (Giddens 1991; 1994), we first examine thecorrelation between home language—Kyrgyz versus Russian—and use of beshik. Here weunderstand linguistic Russification as a proxy for Europeanisation, a temporal indicator ofassimilation to non-traditional cultural influences and, correspondingly, greater distance away fromtraditional nomadism; conversely, we understand the maintenance of Kyrgyz as the primary homelanguage as an indicator of greater traditionalism. Indeed, as seen in Figure 2, there is strongcorrelation between language used at home and preference for the beshik. Kyrgyz is spoken in justover three-fourths of all households surveyed; one-fifth of those surveyed reside in Russophonehomes (about 4 per cent of the respondents did not indicate which language is spoken at home). Alarge majority—about 75 per cent—of respondents from Kyrgyz-speaking households choose orwould choose to utilize the traditional cradle board; among those in Russian-speaking households,approximately two-thirds of those surveyed indicted opposition to using the beshik. Thus, takinghome language as an indicator of degree of traditionalism, there is firm initial support for the nullhypothesis.

As a second measure of the temporal aspect of proximity, we investigate the relationshipbetween beshik use/non-use and level of education. Here we take education level as a measure ofsocial development, as the concept is generally understood in modernization theory (Chabbott &Ramirez 2000; Inglehart & Welzel 2005); as such, higher levels of formal education correspond togreater distance away from traditionalism. With this measure, again, we find confirming evidence ofour null hypothesis. As seen in Figure 3, the likelihood of using the beshik inversely relates to levelof education, aside from the highest level. Among respondents with only a secondary school


education (n=51), 76 per cent choose or would choose to use the beshik; among those with acollege- or trade-level education (n=49), the portion in favor falls slightly to 73 per cent; and amongrespondents with a university degree (n=113), the pro-beshik contingent drops to 58 per cent. Whilethe first three education level categories support the null hypothesis, the highest level, accounting forless than 3 per cent of all respondents, reverses the trend; all respondents (n=6) with a graduate-leveleducation indicated a desire to use the traditional cradle board, which represents an interestingreversal in the tendency.

To summarize thus far, respondents most likely to utilize the beshik come from Kyrgyz-speaking households and have lower levels of education. Those from Russophone homes with higherlevels of education are least inclined. These findings, providing support for our null hypothesis,generally are in line with developmentalist modernization theory.

The second axis of proximity is geographic. Based on our null hypothesis that the utilizationof the beshik correlates to nearness of geographic spaces where nomadism historically was moreprevalent, we test this hypothesis with two questions. First, participants were asked, ‘In whichprovince [of Kyrgyzstan] were your parents born?’ We anticipated that likelihood of usingtraditional cradle board would be higher in the southern regions than in the northern regions due todiffering orientations of cultural influence, i.e. the south is oriented to more traditional culturalinfluences of the Ferghana Valley, while the north is historically more oriented toward Russia andconsequently more impacted by the diffusion of European cultural influences (Asankanov, Brusina& Zhaparov 2016; Osmonov 2017).[2] As seen in Figure 4, a geographic pattern emerges, revealing anorth-south split that confirms expectations based on the null hypothesis. Favorability toward thebeshik is highly pronounced among respondents whose families hail from the southern regions ofKyrgyzstan: Among respondents with parents from Naryn (n=42), nearly three-quarters report theyhave used or would use the device; among those with parents from Jalalabad (n=34), 91 per centrespond favorably to the beshik; with parents from Osh (n=24), 96 per cent say yes; and allrespondents with parents from Batken (n=7) had used or intended to use the beshik. Compared tothe south, attitudes toward the traditional cradle board pronouncedly diverge among respondentswhose parents were from northern regions of Kyrgyzstan: Among those with parents from Bishkek(n=20) and as well as those with parents from Issyk Kul (n=32), only 40 per cent are favorablydisposed toward the beshik; among respondents with parents from Chui (n=32), 56 per cent expressa willingness to use the device; and with parents from Talas (n=24), the favorability level stands at62.5 per cent.

A second geographic variable analyzed is number of years living in Bishkek, which is takenas a measurement of depth of urbanization and sedentariness. As such, this geographic aspect alsocarries a temporality—we submit that the longer urbanized, in the country’s primate city, shouldnegatively correlate with inclination to utilize the beshik. Indeed, as seen in Figure 5, among thosesurveyed who have lived in Bishkek for more than fifteen years (n=72) less than half—47 percent—are favorably disposed toward the traditional cradle board. Among those living in Bishkek forfive to fifteen years (n=69), the figure is 77 per cent; and among those who have lived in the capitalone to five years (n=52), the portion registers slightly higher at 79 per cent. Among those surveyedwho do not live permanently reside in Bishkek (n=26), assumed to be itinerant labor migrants(Abazov 1999), 73 per cent have used or would use the beshik.

To summarize on the geographic aspect of proximity, the likelihood of beshik usage is mostpronounced among Kyrgyz with kin ties based in the country’s south and whose urbanization is mostrecent. Underpinning this geography are dominant patterns of internal migration in post-SovietKyrgyzstan: from rural to urban spaces, and from the south to the north (Schmidt & Sagynbekova


2008: 111). As is the case with most instances of human migration in the industrial era, the maindriver behind Kyrgyzstan’s internal migration is economic opportunity (Abazov 1999). A significantportion of our respondents whose parents hail from southern regions of the country are likelyrepresentative of economic migrants, having moved to Bishkek—Kyrgyzstan’s most economicallydynamic city—for improved labor opportunities. It follows that this population—in our sample mostlikely to employ the beshik in rearing children—would be of lower economic status. Indeed, whenexamining income levels (see Figure 6), an economic class divide is evident vis-à-vis attitudestoward the beshik. Among those reporting a household monthly income less than 10,000 Kyrgyzstanisom (about 145 US dollars), 86.5 per cent are favorably inclined toward employing the traditionalcradle board; those with household monthly incomes between 10,000 and 20,000 Kyrgyzstani som,the figure drops to 67 per cent; and, in households with monthly incomes greater than 20,000Kyrgyzstani som, the number stands at 72 per cent.

Conclusion

The fundamental purpose of this research was to discern which sectors of the Kyrgyz ofKyrgyzstan are, a century after their settlement and abandonment of nomadism, more or less likelyto use the beshik as a swaddling technique in rearing their infants. To provide answers, weconducted a sample of more than two hundred residents of Bishkek, analyzed their attitudes andhabits vis-à-vis the nomadic cradle board, and focused on four questions designed to gauge theproximity to traditional nomadism. We found that, while contemporary overall employment of thebeshik remains high among the Kyrgyz of Bishkek, favorability toward usage of the traditional cradleboard is uneven among sectors of the population. Those most likely to use the beshik speak Kyrgyzin their household, have lower levels of education, have kin ties to the more traditional regions ofsouth Kyrgyzstan, and settled in Bishkek most recently. On the other hand, Kyrgyz fromRussophone households, with higher levels of education, whose parents hail from the country’snorth, and have been longest established in Bishkek are least likely to use the device. Furthermore,the decision to utilize the beshik is informed by economic status: The traditional cradle board is mostfrequently used in households with lowest monthly incomes.

These findings, in providing some basic demographic contours, largely resonate withlongstanding modernisation theory found in the social sciences (Giddens 1991; 1994).

In developing a basic profile of which sectors of the Kyrgyz more or less likely to use thebeshik, this paper points out the need for additional research on the topic. Whereas we draw on ouroriginal quantitative survey data to provide insight into who might employ the traditional infantcradle board, future work will investigate motivations underpinning use of the beshik. This researchproject hopefully would inform the activities of health professionals, policymakers, and health-oriented nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) who are active in Kyrgyz and other parts of theworld where similar traditional cradle boards are commonly used.

[1] See Cowan (2007) for an extended discussion on how the term ‘Central Asia’, along with ‘MiddleAsia’, has been variously employed as a geographic region (see also Cowan 2006; Sidaway 2013).

[2] The north and south of the country are dissected by physical barrier of the Tian Shan Mountain


Range, contributing to palpable cleavage in the country in terms of culture and politics withinKyrgyzstan (Megoran 2017: 77-133).

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FIGURE 1. A mother and grandmother adjusting the straps of the beshik for the infant (photo byJake Zawlacki).

FIGURE 2. Graph showing language spoken in the household and beshik usage.


FIGURE 3. Graph showing level of education and beshik usage.


FIGURE 4. Graph showing province of parents’ origin and beshik usage.

FIGURE 5. Graph showing years of residence in Bishkek and beshik usage.


FIGURE 6. Graph showing monthly household income and beshik usage.

*Jake Zawlacki - Stanford University, California, USA 734 Bamboo Drive, Sunnyvale, CA 94086USA email: [email protected]* *Matthew Derrick - Humboldt State University, California, USA email: [email protected]

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