Africa and Fortress Europe: Threats and Opportunities

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<ul><li><p>This article was downloaded by: [Florida Atlantic University]On: 16 November 2014, At: 08:09Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK</p><p>Review of African Political EconomyPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:</p><p>Africa and Fortress Europe: Threatsand OpportunitiesAli Bilgic aa University of Aberystwyth , UKPublished online: 21 Sep 2009.</p><p>To cite this article: Ali Bilgic (2009) Africa and Fortress Europe: Threats and Opportunities, Reviewof African Political Economy, 36:121, 469-470, DOI: 10.1080/03056240903211430</p><p>To link to this article:</p><p>PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE</p><p>Taylor &amp; Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (theContent) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor &amp; Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor &amp; Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever orhowsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arisingout of the use of the Content.</p><p>This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &amp;Conditions of access and use can be found at</p><p></p></li><li><p>Book Reviews</p><p>Under the Tree of Talking: Leadership forChange in Africa, edited by OnyekachiWambu; London: Counterpoint/BritishCouncil, 2007; pp. 299. 11.99 (pb). ISBN0863555861. Reviewed by Mike Powell,UK. # 2009, Mike Powell</p><p>As developmental realities, policy andresearch all stumble unproductivelyalong well worn and long contested tram-lines, any intellectual venture that tries todo things differently is to be welcomed.This collection of essays, brought togetherby Onyekachi Wambu with the title Underthe Tree of Talking: Leadership for Change inAfrica, certainly offers a fresh approach.It consists of a variety of contributionslooking at issues of leadership, and notjust political leadership, from a varietyof perspectives: the historical, from thetop down, from the bottom up, from thepresent to the future, from the outsidelooking in and from the inside lookingout. The books declared aim is topromote an open dialogue, located inthe personal experience of the authors,under the talking tree, which aims tomove us on from the fixed positions andembedded conflicts of the past. As suchit should not be blamed for avoiding, forthe most part, the type of explicit politicalcomment that can strangle dialogue atbirth. Nor should it be blamed, from anacademic perspective, for not offering acomprehensive conceptualisation anddefinition of leadership. Given thecurrent interest in leadership thatwould be interesting but, again, mightclose the door on the dialogue the bookaims to promote.</p><p>However, the book stands as a deliberatecollection of essays around a theme and,as such, some concerns can be expressed</p><p>about notions of leadership that are orare not addressed within its pages. Oneconcerns the conceptualisation of leader-ship as a function in and of itself. As AliMazrui usefully explains, there are manypossible types and characteristics of lea-dership, which individual leaders maymix and match in the way they thinkmay serve them best. However, both heand the book neglect to explore the repre-sentative function of leadership. In all butthe most extreme circumstances, leadersare in fact representing some existingsocial and political forces, however unre-presentative these may be of a generalpopulation. It is surely through anexploration of the multiple facets of thisrepresentation that the relationship of thegoverning and the governed and theaccountability of leaders both statedconcerns of the book can be enhanced.</p><p>A second concern relates to who theleaders are to be. Several contributionstalk, without additional reflection, ofemerging leaders and the book, pub-lished by a think-tank of the BritishCouncil, is related to a wider BritishCouncil project aimed at networkingand supporting the next generation ofAfrican leaders. Who are these people?Are they simply bright young thingswith lots of energy and ideas? In whichcase, fine, but surely they should be sup-ported in whatever direction they mostwant to serve the further development oftheir societies? Or are they people whodefine themselves as simply wanting tobecome leaders? If the latter, there aresurely significant political issues relatingto their selection, not least their class.Competence might also be an issue.Experience of real work in the societiesthey aimed to change was fundamental</p><p>ISSN 0305-6244 Print, 1740-1720 Online/09/0300461-13</p><p>DOI: 10.1080/03056240903211265</p><p>African Studies No. 121:461-473</p><p>Dow</p><p>nloa</p><p>ded </p><p>by [</p><p>Flor</p><p>ida </p><p>Atla</p><p>ntic</p><p> Uni</p><p>vers</p><p>ity] </p><p>at 0</p><p>8:09</p><p> 16 </p><p>Nov</p><p>embe</p><p>r 20</p><p>14 </p></li><li><p>to the development of two great Africanleaders, Amlcar Cabral and SamoraMachel, whose stories are once again notrecognised in a collection largely emanat-ing from Anglophone Africa. Yet it wasCabral who not only railed against theignorance of the historical reality whichthese movements [liberation movementsin general] aspire to transform (Cabral1980, p. 122), but based the strategy of hisown countrys fight for freedom on theintimate knowledge of the whole countrygained when, as an agricultural engineer,he had conducted an agricultural censusof the country.</p><p>Questions about the precise combinationof themes and contributions overall were there no trade unionists or evenretired generals willing to reflect on theissues raised? should in no waydetract from the individual contributions,all of which in some way shed new lightor stimulate further thought on theissues they address. Some, such as areflection on the leadership of women atthe grassroots in the fight against AIDSby Martha Chinouya, or an insiders/out-siders look at the changing configur-ations of a Nigerian village by OnyeachiWambu, are essentially case studies.Others such as Time for Change byNdidi Nwuneli, Creating the BusinessLeaders of Tomorrow by Taddy Blecherand 2017: Empowering and Engenderingthe Future by Susan and Juliet Kigulioffer vignettes of what might or couldbe different. Eva Dadrian, Wangui waGoro and Paul Tiyambe Zeleza addressrespectively the roles of journalism, trans-lation and intellectual engagement, eachfundamentally important to the integrityof the political and social environmentin which any leadership can take place.</p><p>I am not myself sure how well all thesecontributions relate to leadership eitheras I understand it or as the issue isframed in the many pertinent questionsraised in the introduction. However, thisprobably does not matter. They certainlyrelate to identities and personal roles in</p><p>processes of potential change in Africaand they offer many lessons and foodfor thought that might not have emergedthrough a more focused approach.Perhaps this is the difference between aconversation and a debate, and thereason the producers of the book chosethe former route.</p><p>Reference</p><p>Cabral, A. (1980), The weapon of theory.Speech delivered to the First Solidarity Confer-ence of the Peoples of Africa, Asia and LatinAmerica, in Havana, January 1966, Unity andstruggle. Speeches and writings, London: Heine-mann.</p><p>Inside Rebellion: The Politics of InsurgentViolence, by Jeremy M. Weinstein, Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press,2007; pp. 402. 15.99 (pb). ISBN0521677971. Reviewed by ChristopherCramer, School of Oriental and AfricanStudies, University of London, UK. #2009, Christopher Cramer</p><p>Researchers have been going through thetangled forms of wars in developingcountries with a finer comb than that oflarge-N statistical studies. At their best,such studies combine research methods,engage in fieldwork and/or archivalresearch, and test their shapely modelswith a refreshing clarity and honesty. Ithas become easier to appreciate thatthere are varieties of violent conflict andof rationalism. Inside Rebellion is verymuch in this vein.</p><p>Why do some insurgent groups seemcommitted to abuse and atrocity, whileothers appear to pursue a kinder rebel-lion? In Peru, why was one branch of a</p><p>462 Review of African Political Economy</p><p>DOI: 10.1080/03056240903211281</p><p>Dow</p><p>nloa</p><p>ded </p><p>by [</p><p>Flor</p><p>ida </p><p>Atla</p><p>ntic</p><p> Uni</p><p>vers</p><p>ity] </p><p>at 0</p><p>8:09</p><p> 16 </p><p>Nov</p><p>embe</p><p>r 20</p><p>14 </p></li><li><p>rebellion so much more unrestrained inits violence than another? In answeringthe question, Weinstein shapes a hypoth-esis and a way of testing it from a hostof influences. These include organis-ational sociology, new institutionalisteconomics, the largely gloomy resourcecurse literature, and a concern withasymmetric information. But the bookdoes not trot out the banalities of someof the sillier economics of conflict litera-ture and, while it takes the opportunityfor rebellion seriously, it does notpresume that everyone is motivatedexclusively by material gain. Rather, themain argument turns on how rebels dealwith a series of organisational challengesthat have been given too little attentionin the literature: recruitment, control, gov-ernance, the use of violence and the needto demonstrate resilience. Through thickdescription, interviews and quantitativedata, Weinstein explores the cases of theNRA in Uganda, Renamo in Mozambi-que, and the variation within Perubetween the main Sendero Luminosogroup and its regional committee in theUpper Huallaga Valley.</p><p>Any aspiring rebel management has tomobilise resources to tackle these tasks.There are, Weinstein tells us, two typesof resource endowment that help: econ-omic endowments and social endow-ments. This distinction combines withanother, between high and low commit-ment recruits, or between investors inand consumers of rebellion. Economicendowments are simpler to mobilise.Where rebels lack access to resourcerents or external aid, they have to getembroiled in the slow and awkwardbusiness of cultivating ties of solidarity,trust, and reciprocity with local popu-lations. Inconvenient as this may be, itprimes rebels to respect non-combatants:organisation will be more centralisedand disciplined, and civilian abuses areunlikely to escalate into a pattern of atro-city. If, however, rebels have access toeconomic endowments, they use them.This makes it easier to recruit sufficient</p><p>soldiers and to mount a military chal-lenge to governments. But it means rebelleaders will lead a jumble of high andlow commitment recruits thanks toselective material benefits withoutknowing enough about which are which.</p><p>Initial endowments affect internal organis-ation and rebel behaviour. Most dramati-cally, Weinstein argues that endowmentsdetermine atrocity. If Jack Hirshleifer, apioneer of neo-classical economic theoriesof violent conflict, suggested that thanksto low opportunity costs the poor had acomparative advantage in violence, Wein-stein provides a factor endowment theoryof atrocity: the model is Hecksher-Ohlin toHirshleifers Ricardo. Thus, chapter sixexplains patterns of violence across thecase study insurgencies. In rebellions withhigh economic endowments, low commit-ment rebels (consumers) go on therampage, looting, raping, slicing at andshooting civilians. Management has to putup with this to maintain the labour forceof rebellion so the abuses go unpunished.Rebels get a bad reputation and civiliansavoid them: they become more difficult tocontrol. This encourages further abuseand the pattern is set. In resource-poorinsurgencies this behaviour is both lesslikely because of a higher share of inves-tors among recruits and when it doeshappen more likely to be punished because of a tighter organisation relyingmore on relations with non-combatants.</p><p>Inside Rebellion is brilliantly done clear,tightly argued, in good command of itscases, and nicely attuned, at the end, topossibilities for further research andanalytical probing and to the relevanceof the argument for international policy.Some of the most interesting passagesare those that engage with the questionof what happens for example, to theFARC in Colombia or to UNITA inAngola when endowments change;and those that briefly point out the impli-cations of the books argument for thevalue of naming and shaming strategiesor for international criminal courts.</p><p>Review of African Political Economy 463</p><p>Dow</p><p>nloa</p><p>ded </p><p>by [</p><p>Flor</p><p>ida </p><p>Atla</p><p>ntic</p><p> Uni</p><p>vers</p><p>ity] </p><p>at 0</p><p>8:09</p><p> 16 </p><p>Nov</p><p>embe</p><p>r 20</p><p>14 </p></li><li><p>Students and researchers will benefitgreatly from this book, which will enrichscholarly and policy debates. A number ofquestions are likely to be raised as a result.The explanation of violence and atrocity,like so many studies, leaps from organis-ational rationality to the observation of out-comes: it leaves the reader none the wiserabout why even low-commitment recruitsor consumer-rebels are so vicious. Becauseof anti-civilian ideologies? Or because of aculture of violence? Or something else? Itis not clear how the model would illumi-nate, for example, the violence of theSpanish Civil War. Could the savagery ofGeneral Queipo de Llana, the cruelty ofFranco himself and his early mentor, thebeserk General Millan-Astray, or the vio-lence of Lorcas killers in Granada reallybe explained by the fact that the Germansand Italians came to the Nationalists aidfinancially while European democraciesdithered behind a veil of non-interference?How do we explain the way these rebelleaders and followers were both investorsand consumers? How can Republican com-munist and anarchist viciousness beexplained? There are plenty of morerecent examples, in which the violence ofrebel groups is at least partly a functionnot of low-commitment rebels poorly con-trolled by central leaders but of the vio-lence of leaders, their ideologies, andtheir treatment of lowly recruits.</p><p>There are also other ways of exploring theorganisational sociology of insurgency,including the Durkheimian grid-groupmatrix allowing for different combi-nations of institutional lock-in (rules) andinstitutional bonding, explored by Fithenand Richards in No Peace No War. Thebook does not help think through theway access to resource rent...</p></li></ul>