The Kathmandu PostThursday, November 16, 20064 Editorial

Get not your friends by bare compliments, but bygiving them sensible tokens of your love.

— Socrates —

POST PLATFORM By SALIK SHAH

By SUSHIL DAHAL

The peace deal signed by the eightparties has ignited a new hope ofpeace. People have expected that

the centuries-long social and politicalabsurdities will be resolved. But totranslate decisions into action, it isessential to reach a conclusion afterhaving made minute analysis of techni-cal and practical aspects. In case of fail-ure to recognize and resolve the com-plexities of accord, the implementationof the historical decision may remainderailed.

The model of decision regardingMaoist arms management seems verypeculiar. It does not seem to resemblewith any model practiced hitherto bythe UN disarmament model (a part ofDDR). Enough homework and endeav-or require at this moment to make it asuccess.

Mutual trust plays a vital role but ifwe ignore the technical and practicalaspects, it may cause an accident. Apart of this historical accord says thatwhen the fighters of People'sLiberation Army stay within thedesigned cantonments, all weaponrywill be safely stored inside exceptammunition and cache of arms neededfor cantonments' protection. It furthersays to lock up Maoist weapons under asingle–key formula. In the lock upprocess, for the supervision, a mecha-nism will be included with UN's recordsiren as its device. What should be clar-ified in the above mentioned decisionis whether it has included the directpresence of the UN officials or not.Does the word device include manualpresence or not? If not, what is thedevice that will prevent them fromreusing the arms from the canton-ments?

Many things depend on mutualtrust and understanding. However, iftrust consists of technical and practicalaspects, it breeds permanent and posi-tive effects. Technically, it is a mistake

to believe that having locked the storeand fitted the siren can ban the use ofarms outside cantonments.

In the accord, concerning NepalArmy, it is said that the process ofdemocratization of army will be exe-

cuted by the interim Council ofMinisters (CM) taking suggestionsfrom interim legislature. It is also saidthat the army will be mobilized byCouncil of Ministers, according to newmilitary act. It is not practical for thearmy to ask for the copy of CM's deci-sion when it is mobilized for any task.The Ministry of Defense deserves fullright to mobilize the army under itscontrol.

Moreover, there is no provision ofMilitary Act to indicate the areas of

army mobilization. As a result, in thehistorical decision, there lies higherpossibility of the misuse of Army, anon- political institution, for politicalinterest.

Therefore, it will be helpful to

maintain clean image of Nepal Armyeven in the period of transformationonly with the system of approbation tothe decision of army mobilization fromthe interim legislature that consists ofproportionate representation of allparties.

There is no obligation to use amodel for Nepal selecting from themodels implemented in other insur-gency afflicted countries about armsmanagement. A number of examples offailure of the arms management

process in those counties can be found.An African nation, Congo, is an exam-ple.

The circumstances of Nepal and ofthose countries differ but it will be awise move to include the positiveaspects of arms management under theUN peace keeping mission. In the caseof Nepal, as stated in the historicalaccord, the act of arms storage can bemade disciplined to some extent pro-vided that the direct presence of theUN officials is ensured for continualsupervision in arms stored spots andthe seal of UN is used in the muzzleand trigger of each weapon. Otherwise,anyone expert in making trenchbunker in the uphill can make back-door and underground door secretly.

As mentioned in the document ofagreement, it is not an easy task tomanage arms and militants. It will becomplex during the election toConstituent Assembly. It is so becausein the accord both the concerned par-ties have agreed that with arms neitherthe Maoist combatants nor Nepal armygo amidst people, but combatants inhalf calf-military-dress even withoutarms will be enough to intimidate thevoters.

In order to hold free and fair elec-tions, a system needs to be formulatedwhere no combatants should beallowed to meet common people. Thearms management is not complete initself. What is essential is to manageeven the weapon holders adroitly. Thepolitical agreement has opened a newavenue for a political solution for thetime being and the process of armsmanagement in the agreement is mere-ly an immediate way out to assist theprocess of political solution.

Hence, it is urgent to form a skilledtask force to commence the processimmediately for identifying the long-lasting way of arms and combatants'management and its implementation.

(The writer is former Public

Relations Officer (Major) of Nepal

Army.)

Practical aspects of arms management

Recently, I wrote an article inKantipur cautioning that theCPN (UML) was taking the

center-stage in Nepali politics interms of popular support. The analy-sis was based on a recent poll con-ducted by American consultantGreenberg Quinlan Rosner for NDIand AC Nielson. The polls, taken inAugust-September, showed 25 per-cent each popular support for NepaliCongress and UML, 15 percent for theMaoists and 18 percent undecided. Ifwe arrange the political parties interms of their ideological orientation,then clearly, UML lies in the center ofNepali politics, even occupying someof the space in the center-right. Hereis how it would look:

Unless there is a caveat, the pollreflects that the UML is going to beout there, possibly dominatingNepal's political future.

Last week, I talked to someMaoist party workers in the middlelevel, people who are responsible forgenerating popular support for theMaoist party at the grassroots level.What did they think about theprospect of UML gaining popularsupport? Do they believe that theMaoists are going to win the con-stituent assembly elections?

It appeared that the Maoists havemore or less accepted the leadershipof the Nepali Congress in the near

future. They believe that theCongress is going to get the majorityof votes, especially if the NepaliCongress (Democratic) joins forces.But under no circumstances are theywilling to accept that the CPN (UML)might turn out to be the real winner.In this sense, their real politicalstruggle, in the future, is likely to bedirected at the UML.

The Maoists fear that althoughthere is widespread support for theirpolitical agenda and political issues(republic, restructuring of the state),the people might not actually vote fortheir leaders. Their major concern, atthis stage, thus appears to be: How toconvert votes for their agenda intovotes for their leaders?

The Maoists believe that the agen-da for a republic belongs to them, andthey strongly believe that people alsosee the agenda of republic as belong-ing to the Maoists. However, if youask the UML and left leaning politicalworkers, the Maoists couldn't bemore wrong. UML party workers, andeven left leaning politicians in theNepali Congress are unwilling tohand over the ownership of the

republic (the idea of) to the Maoists.On the one hand, while republi-

canism is taken to be the only truejustification for the Maoists joiningpeaceful politics, there is also astrange fear that they might belabeled as being monarchists. It is acharge that the Maoists take serious-ly, and many party workers are forcedinto pondering whether their leadersmight really have something to dowith it. This doubt has been sown asmuch from inside as from outside. Itwas their second-in-rank, BaburamBhattarai, who made this allegationagainst their supremo, Prachanda.

The king, thus plays a strange role

in the battle between the Maoists andthe UML which is gaining furtherintensity as the Maoists prepare tojoin the interim government. As theMaoists strengthen their alliance

with the Nepali Congress, primarilyto weaken the base of the UML, theyare also wary that they might beaccused of secretly agreeing toKoirala's stance of protecting cere-monial monarchy.

A new type of confrontation isshaping up between the Maoists andthe UML as both prepare for theforthcoming constituent assemblyelections. In this context, the Maoistshave adopted a further UML strategy,that of utilizing participation in thegovernment to fullest in order tostrengthen their party base, as well asto gather resources for the elections.

Just yesterday, the coordinator ofthe Peace Secretariat and GeneralSecretary of the Nepali Congress,Ram Chandra Poudel was accusingthe Maoists of recruiting new sol-diers. If other reports are true, theyare also trying to attract young kidsinto becoming Maoist cadres withpromises of employment now thatthey are joining the government.

Conversations with Maoist cadres

indicate that they have a clear under-standing that participation in thegovernment is necessary to gathervotes in the elections. It is also neces-sary to weaken the base of UML poli-tics. The Maoists are confident thatas their strategic entry into interimgovernment and maintenance of hardcore communist ideals will create afracture within the UML. Talk to anyMaoist, and you will notice their con-fidence that a huge chunk of UML ispreparing to split and join CPN(Maoist) politics.

The historical path taken by theUML, especially their entry intomulti-party democracy is riled incontroversy within left politics. Asthe Maoists prepare to join peacefulpolitics, they are aware of the factthat they might also be accused offalling into the same traps and foiblesof party politics that the UML wentthrough. So, on the one hand, theMaoists have to demarcate clear dif-ferences from the UML, and on theother hand, must convince the publicthat they are indeed into peacefulpolitics and they have a clear politicalvision that will deliver goods.

The fate of UML is uncertain,given their opportunist stands in therecent past, and their ability to movein three different directions at thesame time. This strategy might haveworked in the recent past, given theneed to conform to radical senti-ments within their own party. Butnow that the UML is slowly trans-forming into a mainstream party, itmight be more practical to adoptpolicies that will differentiate itselffrom radical left politics that rarelyworks in the running of a modernnation-state.

The Nepali Congress, too, at thisstage appears to be bent on weaken-ing the UML in order to increase theirown seats. But there is a real dangerthat its alliance with the Maoists,while useful for winning elections,might create real problems in thefuture. At this juncture, NepaliCongress and UML must accept eachother as genuine competitors andlearn to work in partnership. Goodpolicies almost always come from thecenter, and when UML and theNepali Congress work together.

ajaya.khanal@gmail.com

M a o is t U M LN e p a l i

C o n g re s sR P P

N W P P / J a n M o rc h a

N C D

N S P / N S P (A )

U n d e c id e d

Who owns the republic?DIA LOGIC

By AJAYA BHADRA KHANAL

Istarted running. I hadn'trun so much for months. Igrew exhausted. My

heart's pounding and there isa slow ache in my waist. Myeyes and forehead, my armpitsand my back are all drenchedin the pain of 'failure'.

I failed to pass throughanother 'iron-gate' of societalstructure. Living, now, seemsa waste. And waste was myyears of study! I can't say howI sunk, how suddenly myfriends' giggles started dip-ping down into a violent graspof restlessness.

I want to cry rememberingthe way I searched my symbolnumber in the first few pagesof the newspaper. I did put abrave face, but the entire sys-tem crumbled down deepinside my ambitious world.

I was always reading fromliterary creations to politicalcriticisms, from social issuesto international hullabaloosbut I never devoted so muchtime to study Mathematics. Ihad started painting. I wasalready shifting towards autopia of programming frommy favorite habit of indulginginto the fermenting letters ofpoetry.

Of course, Mathematicswas fun. But the mystery ofmy own soul kept me engaged.The unending tryst withtriplet hues forced me topaint. My love for designingsucked me into the weird con-cepts of programming. I wastrying to become a 'jack', and Iknew that trade so well.

It took me some time torealize that I was abscondingmental torment in exchange ofbodily torture. I found relieffrom the pain of failure in theaching reservoir of this soul.Thereafter, a sudden meta-morphosis of the surrounding

milieu failed to astonish me.Then, the so-called friends ofmine grew estranged. Itseemed to me a miraculousexit into a resurrected world.

As I mounted the woodenstairs in the careless murk, Ifelt something unusual.Perhaps, it was right time tosave a falling world from tear-ing itself all apart. I started tosee a few Hope Fairies flyingin between the corridors of myocular sight.

I wasn't going to killmyself. What did I want tobecome for so long? A writer,a poet or a painter? All I want-ed to become was just'famous'? Nay, I was searchingfor this 'joy' called love. I won-dered if few papers could everdecide my entirety?

Besides I have somethingto be proud of- I've alreadyfound a 'challenging' job. Andfrankly speaking, I was short-listed, interviewed and select-ed not through my academicdegrees. They had faith in thisteenager, and 'my resume hadimpressed them'. I was theonly one selected from abunch of other myriad candi-dates…

I searched for solace inreligion, oil of color and booksof literature. It seemed thatacademic success cannot holdmy heart anymore. I felt it in adog-eared pageant of poetry.In these Hardy lines from'Afterwards' that I have foundit at last:

If I pass during some noc-turnal blackness, mothy andwarm,

When the hedgehog trav-els furtively over the lawn.

One may say, 'He strovethat such innocent creaturesshould come to no harm.'

But he could do little forthem; and now he is gone.'

A pillar to success

Model of decision on Maoist arms management

seems very peculiar. It does not seem to resemble

with any model practiced hitherto by the UN disar-

mament model. Enough homework and endeavor

require at this moment to make it a success.

A new type of con-

frontation is shaping

up between the Maoists

and the UML as both

prepare for the forth-

coming constituent

assembly elections.

The Maoists have

adopted a further UML

strategy, that of utiliz-

ing participation in the

government to fullest in

order to strengthen

their party base, as well

as to gather resources

for the elections.

Aid for peace

Aweek after the signing of the peace deal between the SPAgovernment and the Maoist rebels, Finance Minister DrRam Sharan Mahat appealed the donor community to

provide financial assistance to clean up the mess made by thedecade-old insurgency. The road ahead to establish peace andrestructure the 237-year-old state is apparently uneven. Thefour areas identified thus far include "establishment and oper-ation of designated cantonments meant for the Maoist guerril-las, repatriation of the displaced people, the holding of an elec-tion to the constituent assembly and the strengthening of inter-nal security". The interim government of eight parties will haveto look for external assistance to bridge the foreseeable finan-cial gap. So the support of the donor community for the inter-im government is crucial to successfully restructure Nepalfrom a feudal state to a vibrant and egalitarian one.

There are several reasons why Nepal should seek assistancefrom the donor community. Nepal has not only attempted toembrace an "inclusive" democracy but has also shown to theworld that insurgency could be resolved through a peacefulmeans. In the process to ensure a peaceful political transition,the ensuing obstacles need to be dealt assiduously. The Maoistinsurgency has displaced thousands of people whose return totheir villages is essential. Ensuring their return alone will nothelp them resettle on the land they had owned. It will certain-ly take years, if not decades, to restore their socioeconomic sta-tus in their respective villages. Families who have lost theirmembers during the conflict are still waiting for compensa-tions. Besides, the Maoist rebels also need rehabilitation pack-ages. They need skill training, legal and religious lessons, andactivities, during their stay in the designated cantonments, thatwill help them in the future. The objective of making the rebelsengage in skill development activity is to ensure smooth politi-cal transition.

The finance minister has sought an estimated US 75 mil-lion dollars to set the process on: disarming of the rebels, reha-bilitation of the displaced, holding of the CA polls and ofcourse, maintaining of the internal security. And it is also anonus of the donor community to share financial burden.Besides, this is the right time to bail Nepal out of the conflict tolet it become an example of how conflict could be resolved withthe help of the international community. The SPA governmenthas taken a bold move to restructure this country. The govern-ment has identified the problems before integrating theMaoists but it may take years to actually restore the infrastruc-tures destroyed during the conflict. Any financial support dur-ing this political transition for Nepal would be immenselyrewarding.

Page_4tkp.qxd 11/15/2006 9:28 PM Page 1