International Political Science Association

24th World Congress of Political Science July 23-28, 2016 – Poznan, Poland

Working Paper / First Draft – Please do not quote or circulate without

author’s permission

THE POLITICAL MOBILISATION OF THE PALESTINIAN DIASPORA IN SWEDEN

Christou Fanny1 fanny.christou@gmail.com

Abstract: This paper aims to come back on the political construction of the Palestinian refugees’ migration outside frontiers of traditional host Middle Eastern countries. Based on the geographical implantation of the Palestinian diaspora in Sweden, it is interesting to study the emergence of its political mobilisation, linked to the different forms of its territorialisation. The Palestinian diaspora’s political mobilisation evolves at the mercy of legal status, migration contexts and actors’ profiles. In this respect, the analysis of the migration’s processes and activists’ profiles of the Palestinian community in Sweden provides a better understanding of the legitimation of this diaspora, beyond the simple claim to the right of return. The memory of the lost land remains important for the Palestinian diaspora, in terms of collective action repertoire, but dwelling on the mobilization of political resources in relation to the individual profiles of each member of the community is fundamental, regarding the individual background and the degree of social / political capital. This study of the interplay between political practices and the diaspora’s construction outside the homeland is a way finding out why these transnational communities mobilise their resources. Key Words: Diaspora – Palestinians – Transnational community – Mobilisation – Identity

                                                                                                               1  PhD  Candidate  -­‐  University  of  Poitiers,  American  University  of  Beirut,  Sciences  Po  Paris  -­‐  Visiting  PhD  Scholarship  Centre  for  Middle  Eastern  Studies  Lund  Sweden    

 

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Introduction A. Foreword

"Exile is the nakedness of law – L’exil, c’est la nudité du droit", Victor Hugo The exile, the exodus, the forced migration, the diaspora as an historical phenomenon and a sociological construct are without any legal status. Or, once the institutional recognition of an international migration status is required for a Diaspora in a legal sense, this Diaspora can be used for political purposes in order to better claim a national belonging. The Palestinian case is a perfect illustration, and then reflects the internationalization of the issue of refugees, and by extension that of a diaspora in construction, a transnational community recomposing, at distance, its link to both territory and politics. It seems to be crucial to focus on the impact of the diasporic context on the structuring of political mobilization as well as the mobilization issues modelling territorialisation and (re) territorialisation of the diasporic movements. The aim here is to analyse these dispersion’s movements of Palestinian “community hubs” that are connected to each other by one or more centres situated and constructed in the host country and / or origin, through the “degree of community cohesion” (I. Rigoni). This will allow us to better understand for what and the reasons why such communities are mobilizing more or less far away from the lost territory, while taking into account the common territorial reference and the different backgrounds of these groups. B. Context 1/ The Palestinian diaspora: a specific kind of refugees’ migration The Palestinian diaspora can be defined as “a diverse group of individuals and communities whose time and dispersal circumstances rank them from a forced and exiled migration to a voluntary migration, and whose status within their host territories rank them from refugees and without belonging State to the full assimilation.2” The concept of “Palestinian diaspora” deals with some scientific debates:

-   E. Sanbar (1989), is recluant to use the notion of diaspora, considering that “it implies, in itself, a renouncement to the fight for the international recognition of the refugees’ right of return”3

                                                                                                               2  A.  Ben-­‐David,  “The  Palestinian  diaspora  on  the  Web:  between  de-­‐territorialization  and  re-­‐territorialization”,  Social  Science  Information  SAGE,  University  of  Amsterdam 3  J.  Al-­‐Husseini  et  A.  Signoles,  «  Construction  nationale,  territorialité  et  diasporisation  :  le  cas  palestinien  »,  Revue  Maghreb  Machrek,  n°199  printemps  2009    

 

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-   B. Kodmani-Darwish suggests that “the Palestinians of exile are partially diasporisés refugees”4

Since 1948 (Nakba – Catastrophe), several millions of Palestinian refugees live in exile, with particular modes of implementation in each host country and realities of mobility configured by a more or less institutionalized legal status, according to the highly politicized geopolitical considerations. Many Palestinians have moved to Jordan, Lebanon, Syria or Iraq. This refugee population, supported by the UNRWA5, is dispersed in the Middle East countries but also in other many countries of northern Europe, including Sweden, looking for a better future. Thus, in some way, “the dispersion of refugees, the symbolic attachment to Palestine, the development of the camps, the intensity of population movements” 6 are involved in the emergence of a diaspora, which will be consolidated by a transnational approach of the Palestinian migration.

Source: Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics 2016, Palestine in Figures 2015, Ramallah Palestine

2/ The Palestinian diaspora: a conflict-generated diaspora Both the number and importance of diasporas have increased dramatically in the twentieth century due to a variety of factors in changing world order. Diasporas linked to conflicts and built around common traumatic memories can be identified as “conflict-generated diasporas”.

                                                                                                               4  M.K.  Doraï,  «  Les  Palestiniens   :  vers   l'émergence  d'une  diaspora  de   réfugiés  ?  »,  dans  L.  Anteby-­‐Yemini,  W.  Berthomière  et  G.  Sheffer,  Les  diasporas,  2  000  ans  d'histoire,  Presses  Universitaires  de  Rennes,  2005,  p.  212    5  UNRWA,  United  Nations  Relief  and  Works  Agency  for  Palestine  Refugees  in  the  Near  East  6  M.  K.  Doraï,  «  Les  Palestiniens  :  vers   l'émergence  d'une  diaspora  da  réfugiés  ?  »,  dans  L.  Anteby-­‐Yemini,  W.  Berthomière  et  G.  Scheffer,  Les  diasporas,  2000  ans  d'histoire,  Presses  Universitaires  de  Rennes,  2005,  p.  212    

 

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“The effect of homeland conflicts on diasporas economically, socially or in terms of self-image and how that affects their identity and how they are viewed by their host society, ensures high stakes for diasporas in either the continuation or the resolution of the conflict”7. According to Sheffer, Diasporas emerge as “new and potential actors in international politics”. Groups of exiles, refugees, migrants, and other forms of diaspora populations play a part in the processes and outcomes of international politics in both their native and adopted countries. According to Smith and Stares, diasporas can be peace-makers or peace-wreckers. They can participate in peace processes and reframe conflict-generated identities (Lyons & Mandaville, 2012; Smith & Stares, 2007). Peace-makers: Diasporas can play a “constructive role” in a conflict, by the introduction of norms and practices for the cooperation, the help in the reconfiguration of the conflict or kinds of by taking part in the decisions. “Diasporas may resist conflict resolution because homeland conflicts help them maintain their identities and institutions in a foreign land” (Shain, 2002) Peace-wreckers: Diasporas can play a “destructive role”, by the exacerbation of hostility feelings for instance. Developing a strong sense of symbolic attachment to the homeland, diasporas can be regarded as keeping the myth of the return and displaying attitudes and radical behaviours vis-à-vis the political processes of the country of origin (Faist 2000 Shain 2002 Lyons 2006). Diasporas can secure tangible and intangible resources to fuel armed conflicts, and they can provide opaque institutional and network structures that enable the transfer of arms and money to terrorist groups. So, “peace-makers” or “peace-wreckers”, diasporas play an important role in the configuration of countries’ politics. Committed diaspora members act as "rooted cosmopolitans" embedded in social contexts (Tarrow, 2005). They can form a global political movement around common goals, but act with logic of segmented division of labour across different networks and degree of mobilization (Lyons & Mandaville, 2010). Thus, the establishment of a transnational solidarity process can be structured through mobilization tools, generating various forms of engagement but developing common connecting factors to the homeland. It is therefore relevant to note that the content of the political mobilization of Diasporas would be due to the intensity of the conflict in the home territory and would be exercised through an important ethnic lobbying in foreign policy and through transnational tools. Stateless and state-linked diasporas According to Sheffer, stateless diasporas are more likely to choose rather radical approaches such as “irredentist or separatist strategies”, which seek “to establish an independent state in a diaspora’s former historical homeland”. Meanwhile, state-linked diasporas are more likely to

                                                                                                               7  H.  Smith,  P.  Stares,  “Diasporas  in  conflict,  peace-­‐makers  or  peace-­‐wreckers”?,  United  Nations  University  Press,  2007  

 

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adopt “the communal strategy,” a more moderate approach using nonviolent means to “achieve a secure and respected existence within host countries”. We will see that the development of a political mobilisation by the generated-conflict and stateless Palestinian diaspora in Sweden is much more complex, regarding its transnational strategies that traduce a willingness to keep close to home countries and to be involved in the Swedish society, evolving at the mercy of an exopolitie structure (Dufoix). In this respect, migratory routes of Palestinians have contributed to the opening of collective action frames, including the Palestinian question to the Swedish political agenda. These new political processes are not restricted to geographical locations but rather develop in transnational mobilization spaces. Indeed, the Palestinian diaspora as "conflict generated diaspora" has key players in the polarization of new opportunities for the motherland. “Palestinians of diaspora generally use two Arabic terms to describe their exile experience and their wish to come back: “Alghurba”, the experience of being a foreign separated from its familial house (Parmenter, 1994), and “Awada”, used by these Palestinians who have left Palestine since the 1948 exodus, in order to refer to the realisation of their dreams, the return in their homes and their homeland (Turki, 1994).8” So, it is also a priority to clarify in which perspectives do Palestinians in Sweden are placed, and what do they want, by this long-distance mobilisation, regarding the homeland(s) they are referring to. I. Theoretical framework A. Diaspora vs. Transnational Community DIASPORA The historical approach of the term and the theoretical ambivalence enable to identify the notion of diaspora through some belonging criteria and to distinguish this notion from another series of phenomenon. The etymological roots of the term "diaspora" come from the Greek (verb speiro “sow” + prefix dia “beyond” = to scatter around) and the concept is based on the transcription of Hebrew words Galut, Golah (dispersion, exile, captivity). Diasporas are meaningful identity constructions established in the double dimension of space and time. The Diaspora covers the notions of loss and dispersion as a result of forced displacement of populations coming from countries defined as cultural and historical centers. These diasporic phenomena describe the inclusion of the hard core of these "worlds peoples" (Bruneau) in a central space of belonging but referring to a homeland through an “imaginaire collectif” constantly reactivated. A diaspora is a large group of people with a similar heritage or homeland who have moved out to places all over the world. The diaspora is connected between the peripheries themselves and with the centre as well.

                                                                                                               8  J.  Jox  &  J.  Connel,  “Place,  exile  and  identity:  the  contemporary  experience  of  Palestinians  in  Sydney”,  Australian  Geographer,  vol.34  –  n°3,  p.  329-­‐343,  2003  

 

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Connectivity means not only the possible “return to the centre”, but also continuous circulation and movement between peripheries and centre. The 70s marked a real turning point in the approach to this specific kind of migration. "If they [the diaspora] evoked yesterday exile and exclusion of people without attachment, they have now taken the positive meaning attached to transnational identity claims and acquired the dimension of a myth (C. Bordes-Benayoun and D. Schnapper, 2006)."9 The Adamson and Demetriou definition of diaspora confirms that this kind of migration can become an actor of a particular commitment, due to its structure, its actors and the reasons for the mobilisation. “A diaspora can be identified as a social collectivity that exists across state borders and has succeeded over time to: (i) sustain a collective national, cultural or religious identity through a sense of internal cohesion and sustained ties with a real or imagined homeland, and (ii) display an ability to address the collective interests of members of the social collective through a developed internal organizational framework and transnational links10”. Diaspora areas and territories must be gauged first in the host country, where the community bond plays the essential role, then in the country or territory of origin – a pole of attraction – through memory, and finally through the system of relations in the network space that connects these different poles. The term Diaspora often has more of a metaphorical than an instrumental role. We can narrow down the different criteria suggested by most authors to four essential ones:

-­‐   The population has been dispersed in several places, not immediately neighbouring of the territory of origin, under pressure (disaster, catastrophe, famine, abject poverty)

-­‐   The choice of countries and cities of destination is carried out in accordance with the structure of migratory chains, which link migrants with those already installed in the host countries

-­‐   This population is integrated without being assimilated in the host countries, i.e. retains rather strong identity awareness linked to the memory of the territory, of the society of origin and its history

-­‐   These dispersed groups of migrants (or groups stemming from migration) preserve and develop among them and with the society of origin, if the latter still exists, multiple exchange relations (people, goods of various natures, information…) organised under networks. Relations tend to be horizontal rather than vertical.

TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITY: “International migration has given rise to emerging communities which may be described as transnational. This term refers to communities made up of individuals or groups, settled in different national societies, sharing common interests and references – territorial, religious,

                                                                                                               9  D.  Schnapper,  «  De  l'Etat  nation  au  monde  transnational.  Du  sens  et  de  l'utilité  du  concept  de  diaspora  »,  dans  L.  Anteby-­‐Yemini,  W.  Berthomière,  G.  Sheffer,  Les  diasporas,  2  000  ans  d'histoire,  Presses  Universitaires  de  Rennes,  2005,  p.  22  10  F.  Adamson,  M.  Demetriou,   “Remapping   the  boundaries  of  «  State  »  and  «  National   identity  »”,  European  Journal  of  International  Relations,  2007,  p.  489-­‐526  

 

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linguistic – and using transnational networks to consolidate solidarity beyond national boundaries” (Faist – Kastoryano) In the era of globalization, transnational phenomenon appears in the public space and its political demands promote the organization of Diasporas. The emergence of a transnational world supports the mobility of everyone, while not seeking to annihilate the State as historical actor. This is simply challenged by the dispersion of each people within more or less abstract entities. The dynamism and the mobility of identity references of people in diaspora, building on the resources developed in their "homeland" and their host country can be opposed to the rigidity and immobility of the nation state, but still staying an important reference. The transnational nature of diaspora implies that these people are crucial when it comes to connecting countries and communities, because they can call on multiple networks, relate to different identities and share a sense of belonging to more than one community. The notion of the transnational community refers to “communities made up of individuals or groups that are established within different national societies, and who act on the basis of shared interests and references (which may be territorial, religious or linguistic), and use networks to strengthen their solidarity beyond national borders” (R.Kastoryano, 2000). The transnational community is structured by political action in both countries. It circulates ideas, behaviours, identities and other elements making up to the social capital. It constructs its own identity. “Rather than reifying a whole ethnic group and homogenizing them to one cluster of a diaspora community, the diaspora is accepted as a subset of a transnational community (Bauböck, 2010), that is formed outside the borders of a defined or imagine homeland and whose members sustain attachments to the homeland economically, culturally and politically as a result feel part of a collective moment that has solid political engagements to the homeland (Lyons & Mandaville, 2010)”11. A diaspora has an existence of its own, outside any state, it is rooted in a strong culture (religion, language, etc.…) and a long history; it has created and developed its community and associative networks. The transnational community on the other hand arises from the migration of workers who retain their family base in the nation-state from which they have come, and they travel between this base and one or several countries where they have settled. They retain a strong anchorage in the place of origin, as well as citizenship or institutional links with their country. In a diaspora, this anchorage and any strong links have often disappeared following a catastrophe, or they may have been entirely re-shaped over time. The transmigrant is far too dependent with on the nation-state from which he originates as well as on the state in which he has settled to become autonomous and creative in the manner of a member of a diaspora; The social group to which he belongs is most often restricted to his original community and the transnational network of its migrants, while a member of a diaspora has the feeling of belonging to a nation in exile, dispersed worldwide, and to be entrusted with an ideal.

                                                                                                               11  B.  Baser,  “The  awakening  of  a   latent  diaspora:   the  political  mobilisation  of   the   first  and  second  generation  Turkish  migrants  in  Sweden”,  Ethnopolitics  –  Formerly  Global  Review  of  Ethnopolitics,  2014,  vol.  13,  p.  362  

 

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Hypothesis: n   Through the different analyses of the notion of diaspora and transnational community,

it is possible redefine the Palestinian diaspora, as a specific kind of refugees’ migration that will use specific tools of diasporisation and transnationalisation in different territories

Paradox: n   Why is the Palestinian diaspora a particular form of migration and what are the

developed tools to entrench its diasporization process? ð   Key words: Dispersion - Transnational networks – Legal status

B/ Political mobilisation The term "mobilization" is borrowed from the military vocabulary. Mobilize is "the act of passing on a sedentary body to the active service of war" (Littré). "By extension, the term now refers to all forms of gathering occurring in or around an organization that is in charge of defending or promoting a new order of life.12" To give a political direction to the mobilization might be addressed by awareness of an interest to bring out claims on the political agenda but also by giving a politicized dimension that will legitimize the collective action with the aim of a change in status and rights’ claiming. The actor, in other words, the individual is itself a kind of driving force by an autonomous action and not only by the community references. According to Neveu, we can note the existence of a double-conjunction of a common action by social actors allocated to act together according to an explicit project. This way of acting emerges through a claiming logic or in the service of a specific cause. Yet, obviously, it is impossible to deny the role of each capital of people in diaspora that can be involved in different degrees of political mobilisation regarding their own background and their habitus (Bourdieu).

-   Forms: I. Rigoni o   The traditional collective action of the social movement o   The violent action o   The utilisation of the body as “medium of claims” o   The boycott o   The strike o   The occupation

-   Actors: G. Sheffer o   “Core members” o   “Members by choice” o   “Marginal members”

-­‐‑   Three models theorising the mobilisation process among the social movement theories: the necessity to take into account the evolution from a collective mobilisation to an individual engagement

o   The theory of the resources’ mobilisation => resources as rational elements of the collective action

                                                                                                               12  P.  Mann,  L’action  collective.  Mobilisation  et  organisation  des  minorités  actives,  Armand  Colin,  Paris,  1991,  p.93  

 

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o   The model of Obershall => defining a conflict context o   The model of Tilly => defining a political system with three elements

The political mobilisation must be analysed by focusing on: -­‐‑   Individual background: connected to the symbolic components, the influence of belief

systems and the level / degree of available capital -­‐‑   Collective action repertoire: connected to the common and shared Palestinian identity -­‐‑   Situation of conflict and trauma

Hypothesis:

n   The conflict-generated Palestinian diaspora implies specific processes of political mobilisation regarding both collection action repertoires (through the common and shared Palestinian identity) and individual backgrounds (through the personal identity)

Paradox: n   What do the specific migration of Palestinians in Sweden and the transnational tools for

its diasporisation imply regarding collective action repertoires and individual backgrounds?

ð   Mobilisation in migration implies different kind of trajectories and processes in which migrants have an important role to play

C. Migrants: engagement, activism and transnationalism « Vivre c’est s’engager », Camus The migration process implies a new configuration of political mobilisation regarding the involvement of its actors in transnational links with the home country. Between activism and engagement, the question is to deal with the role of this specific kind of migrants (the Diasporas) as key actors for changing and transformation. Such actors of mobilisation (Diasporas), while they migrate, become actors of engagement due to the exile and the necessity to maintain a link

Political  mobilisation  of  Diasporas

Situation  of  conflict  +  trauma

Collective  repertoire  of  action

Identity  background

 

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with the homeland. This can also express a form of reconfiguration of activism, regarding the long-distance relationship to the homeland and the different forces that are involved in the new host country. ENGAGEMENT The engagement, by the importance of the sociability and the socialisation, is a way to gather, be with other people, “make society”. The engagement is stimulated by this logic of gathering, through 3 principles: sensitivities, symbols and structures. In this respect, the 3 postures of engagement described by Hirschman can make sense when we are dealing with the role of migrants in the political mobilisation: “voice”, “exit”, “loyalty”. There are three aims of the engagement according to Bobineau: “be useful”, “give a sense to the life”, “make society” According to Ion, we can distinguish two models of engagement:

-­‐‑   The community model of the engaged citizen: “total” engagement, affiliated, answering to a tradition / filiation

-­‐‑   The societary model of the associated: the strategy of the engaged person is more individualist, autonomous, affinitaire, distanced and critique

ACTIVISM: Activism covers "any deliberate action, successful or not, organized or not, episodic or continuous, using legitimate or illegitimate means, in order to influence policy choices, the administration of public affairs or the choice of political leaders at all local or national levels of the government” (Weiner, 1971). We can distinguish different kinds of activism13:

-­‐‑   The “career events activism”, favored by an activist family tradition and triggered by a political event, national or international, or an event of local or personal life of a person + experienced by this new activist as a kind of engagement and vocation

-­‐‑   The “situational activist of passage”, promoted not by family tradition but by a structural, institutional or associative situation that a person has experienced at a given time, rite of passage

-­‐‑   The “career acquaintanceship activism”, related to the professional, family, or academic socialization, or that of peers, career

Affiliated / traditional activism: figure of the "traditional" activist defined by J. Ion: “the militant / activist” is the one who risks his life as a soldier, dedicated to the cause”. Affranchi / distanced activism: since the 1980s, distanced engagement refers to local groups that take their autonomy from the national federations. These groups are opposed in form and in principle to historical groups. Thus, more than the achievement of overall policy objectives, local groups are setting limited and specific objectives which they derive their legitimacy. Members of these groups refuse any confiscation of their voice and engage in their own name.

                                                                                                               13  D.   Baillet,   «  Motivations   et   sens   sociaux   du  militantisme  maghrébin   »   Une   théorie   de   la   causalité,  Revue  française  des  affaires  sociales,  2005/3  n°  3,  p.  192  

 

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They have freed themselves from their “natural” affiliations, their social background and create a community during a specific action. A. Collovald analyses mutations of activism as phenomena of social conversion => engagement of activists according to their social affiliations, in plural engagement, that could constitute an activist path / trajectory. ROLE OF MIGRANTS / TRANSNATIONALISM According to Vendramin, "activist engagement is not a state, it is an interactive process." Three concepts are then used to read and better understand contemporary engagement: network (no reference to a specific environment, permanent reconfiguration) project (element around which the collective is organised) and subject (actor / individual that has the desire to control its environment) 14. Thus activist engagement is based on the combination of three factors:

-­‐‑   Engaged people: holders of a cause, incentives to social properties + cost calculations / rewards of militancy/ activism

-­‐‑   Defended cause: engagement linked to an issue, a challenge, a fight, enchanted character given to the collective action, demultiplication of causes and national / local / global links

-­‐‑   Activist organization: the organization is not only the receptacle of the individual engagements, implementation of strategies for identifying, recruiting, activists’ practices conditioned by institutional socialization, "if individual logics give sense of engagement, it is the collective activity that gives to it body "(P. Vendramin)

According to Martiniello, the political integration of migrants implies political participation, mobilisation and representation. Regarding the transnational environment in which Diasporas are involved, we can notice the emergence of a “transnational space of mobilisation”, which will be renewed consequently to the activities of the transnational communities in a process of diasporisation. Structures of political opportunities will play an important role. Lafleur identifies three kinds of transnational political activities that could be similar to the motivation of political mobilisation in diaspora:

o   Homeland politics (political activities in the home country) and diaspora politics (political activities of migrants’ communities that cannot take part in the political system of the home country): sometimes assimilated as long-distance nationalism

o   Immigrant politics: political activities of migrants’ communities in order to improve their situation in the host country

o   Translocal politics: political initiatives taken by an immigrant community or by individuals who are aiming for an improvement of the inhabitants’ situation in the locality where they hail from

                                                                                                               14  P.  Vendramin,  «  L’engagement  militant  :  la  rencontre  entre  un  individu,  une  cause  et  une  organisation  »,  in  P.  Vendramin  (dir.),  L'engagement  militant,  Louvain-­‐la-­‐Neuve,  PU  Louvain,  2013  

 

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Hypothesis:

n   We can notice a reconfiguration of the political mobilisation during the process of diasporisation, through transnational political activities, moving from a traditional activism to a new engagement as a distanced activism

Paradox: n   Regarding the different territories in which the Palestinian diaspora is involved, does

the political mobilisation change? ð   Far away from the homeland, the diasporé uses a different kind of political

mobilisation and gets involved through various kinds of tools, describing a transnational political field of distanced engagement

II. Object of study and Problematic This paper aims to demonstrate how refugee communities, like Palestinians, use their social and political capitals (through transnational solidarity networks) in order to adapt to new situations in Sweden with strong constraints and to develop new forms of transnational engagements in exile. Displacements from country of origin and / or transit to host country imply deployment of an experience characterised by a wide range of social and political backgrounds before reaching the country of residence. These different migratory routes imply an adaptation to the local circumstances and they have, sometimes, configured some activists’ trajectories. In this respect, it is interesting to question the exile experiences of Palestinians in Sweden, by focusing on the variety of trajectories and their influences on the reconfiguration of the engagement, far away from countries of origin and transit.

A. The reconfiguration of the political mobilisation of the Palestinian diaspora in Sweden – focus on Malmö city 1. The role of Sweden in hosting Palestinian refugees With more than 60 years of exile, the Palestinian community migrates to new areas, increasingly distant from the original Palestine. Migratory pathways that are created between Middle East and Europe are particularly based on diasporic networks as migratory supports for many Palestinian refugees in search of a socio-economic security, a legal status and a distanced political project. Various migration patterns reflect the complexity of successive steps before

•Homeland•Traditional  activism  Ion

Activism

•Process•Political  field  

Political  mobilisation   •Host  country

•Distanced  activism  (Ion)  

Engagement

 

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arriving at their destination, while drawing a harmonized network of transnationalized community. Sweden, specific reception area for Palestinian refugees, attests to the creation of a migratory pathway relayed by diaspora networks and linked to the issue of successive waves of exile and exodus of the Palestinian diaspora.

In Sweden, the Palestinian presence has always been linked to political factors. Before 1975, Sweden addressed the Palestinian refugees from a humanitarian perspective and supported at the same time the Israeli State while demanding its withdrawal from the occupied territories, on the basis of Resolution 242 of the UN Security Council15. After 1975, we can see a shift in the consideration of the Palestinian case by the Swedish government. Indeed, Sweden now recognizes the national aspiration of the Palestinians and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian cause. This change of attitude can be explained by three reasons (M. K. Doraï): a willingness to take into account the political dimension of refugees, a desire for the Swedish State to help a lasting peaceful solution and a desire to limit the risk of a spread of the conflict in the Middle East.

We can identify different arrival phases of Palestinians in Sweden: -   The first group of Palestinians came to Sweden in 1962. These students, from Jordan,

Lebanon and the West Bank, came to Sweden in the early 1960s seeking education. -   Another group came to Sweden after the civil war in Jordan, escaping from the

repression of the Black September in Jordan (1971). -   If the exodus was at an individual level in the 70s, it follows then a collective desire to

migrate, for a community as a whole. The Israeli invasion (1982) and the War of the Camps (1985-1987) displaced thousands of Palestinians inside Lebanon, and some of them searched for asylum abroad. During this period, Sweden opened its boundaries to a large proportion of them.

-   The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (1990) caused an influx of large numbers of Palestinians into Sweden.

-   In 1999, there was also a wave of Palestinian immigration from Gaza. -   More recently, there has been an important wave of Palestinians from Syria who arrived

in Sweden.

In Sweden, the four main cities where Palestinians are established are: Stockholm, Uppsala, Goteborg and Malmö. The Migration Agency is the authority that considers applications from people who want to take up permanent residence in Sweden, come for a visit, seek protection from persecution or become Swedish citizens. Sweden's Government has proposed two legislative changes which may take effect in the summer of 2016. One of the proposals is that those who have applied for asylum and received a deportation order shall no longer have the right to accommodation or a daily allowance from the Migration Agency. The other proposal involves limiting the asylum seekers' possibility to obtain a residence permit and to be reunited with their families.

                                                                                                               15  United  Nations   Security  Council   Resolution  242   (S/RES/242)  was  adopted  unanimously  by   the  UN  Security  Council  on  November  22,  1967,  in  the  aftermath  of  the  Six-­‐Day  War.  

 

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The Palestinian community has a significant presence in Malmö. The neighbourhood of Möllevångstorget is an urban space that Palestinians particularly invest for demonstrations in favour of Palestine. Shopping streets around this square, lots of shops, restaurants, grocery stores are detained by members of the Palestinian community.

Moreover, Sweden includes numerous Palestinian factions linked to the Palestinian Movement of National Liberation (Fatah), the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). In Malmö, lots of Palestinians relate to one of these structures to actively promote their ideals. Islamic movements, linked to the Palestinian Hamas, are also present, but in their own organisations and separated from main political Palestinian ones. In addition to these political structures, we can name other institutions that are relevant in Malmö: the 194 Group, the Palestinian Solidarity Association in Sweden, the International Solidarity Movement, the Youth Palestinian Movement, Palestinska Kulturföreningen Malmö... Thus, the configuration of the Palestinians and / or Swedish organisations involved with the Palestinian cause reproduces the diversity of the Palestinian community in Sweden.

2. Urban space and mobilisation in exile Forms of political mobilisation of the Palestinian diaspora are often analysed in terms of its presence in nearby host territories from its land of origin. However, few studies focus on the emergence of a reterritorialization of this mobilisation, configured by a specific institutionalisation in these places, far away from Palestine.

Moving away from the homeland – the motherland – the Palestinian community manages to maintain an identity link with a more or less important intensity of political mobilisation. This mobilisation is possible because of the implantation of numerous members of the Palestinian diaspora within Swedish urban spaces, as the city of Malmö. In this way, the Palestinian community is able to organise around a common identity-related pole.

The Palestinian community, invested in a specific urban space, is going to manifest forms of mobilisation that will not traduce or a destructive, nor a constructive role of the Palestinian diaspora, but rather a desire to export a conflict within a space to claim the cause. The exportation of this conflict in Sweden, in the urban space of Malmö, implies the exportation of a cause and an identity. Deployed methods will vary according to different collective action repertoires and several political opportunities structures although references remain the same. The political mobilisation’s exportation of the Palestinian community must be analysed regarding its relation to the conflict that has generated its exile and its diasporisation. Thus, local actions developed by the Palestinian community in Sweden for the construction of an “imaginaire collectif”, strategies by which these refugees will form themselves into political actors and mobilisation of this dispersed group are all factors that will include this community in a specific diasporisation process. By directly or indirectly participating in a transnational political agenda, deployed between the home country and the host country, the Palestinian diaspora, intimately linked to the exile, the trauma and the conflict, questions ways of mobilisation by a conflict diaspora. The strategies that are developed are not established to

 

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export a crisis but a cause, through transnational networks and a reterritorialised mobilisation. In sum, the diasporisation of the Palestinian community in Sweden reflects the reterritorialisation of its mobilisation, which will evolve according to the degree of the collective implication and the individual profiles.

B. Mobilisation and diaspora: reconfiguration of belongings and forms of engagement in exile Regarding the diasporisation process and the mobilisation strategies by the Palestinian community in Sweden, through important transnational networks between different territories, it is appropriate to ask the connection between the Palestinian identity and the homeland. It is indeed important to know if the migratory processes of Palestinians now installed in Sweden will reconfigure their engagement in the host territory. The objective is to understand mechanisms of the reterritorialisation of the Palestinian diaspora in Sweden, analysing links between identity / territory / memory. Dwelling on the reterritorialisation of the political action of the Palestinian diaspora by the transnationalism questions the reasons why such a mobilisation happens beyond the borders of the homeland. In this respect, it is interesting to understand the tools and the forms developed by the Palestinian community in Sweden, involving a movement of transnational solidarity. Humanitarian, identity, national or political challenges can be explicative causes of a long-distance mobilisation of the diaspora. Driving forces and resources of the “diasporés” who mobilise themselves in Sweden testify about a very specific kind of engagement dealing with the will to reterritorialise the Palestinian cause outside the homeland’s borders. The diasporisation of a part of Palestinian refugees relies on a kind of re-territorialisation. This paper explores the extent to which members of the Palestinian diaspora, a “stateless” diaspora, are able to negotiate, mobilise and resist. The project carries out the analysis of the imbrication between the diaspora’s dynamic of mobilisation for the home country and its contribution to the host country (Sweden), through focus on transnational connections and border-transgressing practices as a way of understanding the variety of social-political impacts of Palestinians’ involvement in activities that span several nations and states. The Palestinian diaspora falls within a migratory dynamic. Thus, some Palestinians living in the Middle East keep going with a mobilization outside these first or transit host countries. Transnational practices are developing in Europe, always remaining more attractive to Palestinian migrants and where political mobilization reactivations will be formed. Europe "forms the fabric from which solidarity networks have been reorganized locally, to be then projected into the transnational space with the development of emigration to Europe. 16" Dwelling at length on the exportation strategies of these groups’ political mobilization is crucial to understand new forms of the Palestinian national project’s (re)territorialisation in Europe, specifically in Sweden.

                                                                                                               16  M.K.  Doraï,  «  L’émigration  des  Palestiniens  du  Liban  et  le  processus  d’Oslo  »,  in  J.  Al  Husseini,  A.  Signoles,  Les  Palestiniens  entre  Etat  et  diaspora.  Le  temps  des  incertitudes,  Karthala  Terres  et  gens  d’Islam,  Paris,  2011,  p.  370  

 

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In this sense, we can put into question the concept of mobilization, from activism to engagement and we can link it to the differences of backgrounds and capitals of people. According to Baser, “it should not be taken for granted that Diasporas prioritize their homeland’s agenda first and as diaspora’s own interests and its status within the host country are also to be considered part of the puzzle.17” As a result, the traditional focus of diaspora studies needs to be widened by extending it to the diasporic meaning of home — a place generally associated with security and comfort — and the diasporic construction of belonging in our modern time. This paper aims to improve our understanding of the development of a political force created by the Palestinian diaspora in a host country (Sweden) in order to keep close to the home country. The study of the Palestinian diaspora’s migration experience must highlight the existence of political project that relies on the internationalisation of its status, the externalisation of its claims and the exportation of its mobilisation. III. Methodology

1)   Exploratory phase: April - May 2015 2)   First phase of interviews: September – December 2015 (Scholarship Centre for Middle

Eastern Studies, University of Lund, Sweden) 3)   Second phase of interviews: May 2016

Sweden has been chosen as a fieldwork because this Scandinavian country played an important role in the hosting Palestinian refugees for many decades. Moreover, the recognition of the Palestinian State by Sweden in 2014, first Europe state to undertake such a procedure, raises interrogations regarding the role of this State in the configuration of the Palestinian diaspora’s mobilisation. In this respect, it is important to analyse these diverse strategies displayed by the transnational Palestinian communities in order to develop a kind of “territorialisation of politics” (B. Badie, 1993). It enables to understand forms of transnational solidarities and mobilisation strategies that are created far away from the territory of origin, and the goals of such actions. A quantitative field survey has been implemented in order to understand the construction of these identity centres, established far away from the home country but with the upholding of proximity. In addition, qualitative interviews, participating observations and network analysis are being realised to explore the transnational strategies of this community and its role in the acquisition of political resources. Elaborate different strategies in order to analyse and understand forms of political mobilisation created by the Palestinian diaspora in Sweden. It will be important to synthesise the Palestinian

                                                                                                               17  B.  Baser,  “The  awakening  of  a  latent  diaspora:  the  political  mobilisation  of  the  first  and  second  generation  Turkish  migrants  in  Sweden”,  Ethnopolitics  –  Formerly  Global  Review  of  Ethnopolitics,  2014,  vol.  13,  p.  359  

 

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diaspora’s motivation, actions and objectives, through the inventory of Palestinian organisations (associations and political parties) in which Palestinians play a major part, or the identification of Palestinians in the Swedish civil society. The analysis of these forms of mobilisation will be studied by means of biographies of militants and NGO members, through their different political trajectories. It is crucial to question the relations between this diaspora and host / transit / home countries. It will increase our understanding of the mechanisms of such a political action in the exercise of “homeland directed transnationalism” (Ostergaard-Nielsen 2003). IV. Results The high concentration of the Palestinian community in the city of Malmö in Sweden demonstrates the presence of a specific local context allowing migrants to fit within the Swedish society. Attractive location, Malmö carries within it a dimension of urbanity that Palestinian migrants will use to reconfigure their political mobilization.

Indeed, on the one hand, constraints will be imposed on these Palestinian migrants as part of the hospitality, through the implementation of Swedish public policies, as structures of mobilisation. On the other hand, the capacity for action of the Palestinian community in the city will reconfigure its link to urbanity and social integration, through the development of a migrant hospitality, as support of its mobilisation. These two elements will lead to the reconfiguration of the field of urban space of the Palestinian community in Malmö, by a redefinition of its mobilisation, far away from the homeland.

However, it seems to be important to precise this reconfiguration, regarding the two hypothesis we are going to develop.

 

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A. Collective vs. Individual Levels: Shared identity vs. Individual backgrounds (case study: urban space of Malmö in Sweden)

Depending on the place of exile (particularly in some European countries constituting the second wave of migration), the statues of Palestinians differ. Their migration routes describe inevitable links between political strategies and territorial markers. In addition, a sharp study of the profiles of these groups scattered in the city of Malmo, allows a reconstruction of the activists’ trajectories, evolving in Europe with a different kind of engagement. Through their journey, we can notice the general terms of political mobilization that are developed on different host countries, but also the meaning of engagement and ideology given by each member of the community. Mobilisation strategies, engagement intensity and transnational solidarities’ forms of Palestinians differ according to several criteria (country of birth, socio-political capital, age, gender) but they all share the same sense of belonging to Palestine, as an imagined or lived territory / land. Thus, the polarisation of the collective political engagement of Palestinians in Sweden is structured by a common identity but becomes more complex regarding the individual profiles of each member of the diasporic community. Plus, we can notice that being Palestinian in Sweden involves the necessity to take into consideration the Swedish political agenda and the integration of Palestinian in the Swedish society. As such, for some members of the Palestinian community in Sweden, the reference homeland is not only Palestine but also Sweden. In addition, if the transnational ties reinforce the policies of the homeland and boost the nationalism, the Palestinians case especially demonstrates a desire to maintain certain cohesion in the dispersion. Finally, remember that for exiled generations in Sweden for instance, Palestine remains important as a land of belonging and socio-cultural memories, but the identity that is developed in exile is often described as hybrid, conciliating with host society’s traditions. Interviews conducted in Malmö reveal same identity references and a sense of shared nationhood to Palestine, regardless of the birth country (Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan…). Indeed, at the beginning of the interview, most of interviewed people introduced themselves insisting on the fact that they are “Palestinian from…”, “originally from the village of… in Palestine”. This memory is implemented in the members of the Palestinian diaspora in Sweden as an “indelible marqueur” of their identity in order to claim an expression of engagement on behalf of the right of return. Thus, the “right of return”, known by all members of the diaspora interviewed n Malmö, is a right for which they want to engage without putting it into practice by permanently returning in Palestine. Moreover, we can notice that each interviewed person, regardless of its home territory, claims the importance of the filiation: “I am Palestinian because my grand-parents were Palestinian”. This reflects a willingness to maintain a “palestinité” away from the homeland, regardless of the level of political investment in the home country. In that context, political, economic and cultural networks, as well as the cohesive structure formed by the community, reflect a structured diaspora around strong identity references. For Palestinians in the diaspora, maintaining a sense of belonging to the Palestinian homeland is

 

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becoming more complex. If, despite the amount of time in exile and the disconnection from homeland, the Palestinian identity persists and is rooted, the young generation, who has never lived in Palestine, often feels a sense of anchoring Palestinian traditions in the host territory, through the desire of making the Palestinian cause known. As Bruneau points it out, the loss of the home territory implies an appeal to its collective memory as an essential component of the identity in the Diaspora. Moreover, memory of spaces and lost territories needs material supports on the host country and a specific kind of territoriality in order to express and transmit. This need to refer to the territory of origin or to the land of ancestors entirely corroborates with the Palestinian case and the reterritorialisation of this diasporée population in Sweden, particularly invested in the city of Malmo. Collective memory is an essential component of Palestinian identity. Conservation and transmission strategies are clearly established by the identification to a space and the investment within structures that contribute to disseminate the vectors of the community memory (language, education, family, religion, school, cultural and community life). Thus, as Bruneau points it out, « dans la diaspora, l’identité préexiste au lieu et chercher à le recréer, à le remodeler, pour mieux se reproduire. L’individu ou la communauté diasporés se trouvent dans les lieux qu’ils n’ont pas produits et qui, eux-mêmes, sont porteurs d’autres identités. Ils vont donc chercher au sein même de ces lieux à créer les leurs, qui renvoient ou se réfèrent à d’autres lieux, ceux où s’est constituée leur identité, celles de leurs parents, de leurs ancêtres, leurs lieux d’origine. La déterritorialisation s’accompagne ou est suivie d’une reterritorialisation ».

This combination of collective action repertoires on behalf of a common identity and individual trajectories will anchor Palestinians’ actions and mobilization strategies. They will then invest the city of Malmö in making this urban space a re-appropriation of their memory and identity.

 

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B. From Middle-East to Europe: from activism to engagement? Between “here” (Malmö), where daily urban practices will be developed as a specific kind of engagement, and “there” (lived or imagined Palestinian space), migrants’ sociabilities will deploy a new form of transnational mobilization, participating in the construction of a social legitimacy, at a local scale.  

In Middle Eastern countries, “there”, the Palestinian conflict-generated diaspora, associated with the ideas of trauma and exile, seems to be structured by a common sense of belonging to Palestine. Members of the Palestinian diaspora, when they first moved to Middle Eastern countries, referred to a traditional kind of activism, regarding the contexts in these countries (situation of refugees in Lebanon or war in Syria for instance). In other words, crisis and conflicts in Middle Eastern countries have created an important impetus of activism, through the Palestinian shared identity. From Middle East, the Palestinian refugees will try to achieve their process of diasporisation by exporting the Palestinian cause they want to refer to. In Europe, “here”, they will be engaged as a transnational community, still sharing the common Palestinian identity but using their own backgrounds and capitals. Here, Europe, particularly Sweden, will play an important role in establishing new mobilisation strategies of the Palestinians, in a sense of distanced activism. In between (between here and there), “elsewhere”, the Palestinian diaspora will use transnational networks to be mobilised in both countries of origin and destination. The Palestinian identity is the common base of the Palestinian community living in Sweden, maintained between different territories by transnational networks and forms of solidarity. The Palestinian diaspora in Sweden is collectively engaged to export the cause to which its members are mobilised because of this common belonging feeling. From an individual perspective, the trajectories of community’s members are going to reconfigure their points of view about the tools to be developed for this cause. In this respect, the Palestinian community is structured by several members, with different migration routes and activists' profiles that have evolved all along their own experiences. Indeed, different forms of mobilisation will appear according to experienced or imagined territories. In sum, the collective consciousness and the common drive of a free Palestine will be structured by an engaged Palestinian community in Sweden, but whose mechanisms of mobilisation will differ according to the backgrounds and capitals of each one.

 

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The different transnational activities of the Palestinian community in Sweden can demonstrate the extent to which members of this stateless and conflict-generated diaspora engage in and contribute to the Swedish mainstream. Between activism and engagement, the question is to deal with the role of this specific kind of immigrants as key actors for change and transformation. Such actors of mobilisation, while they migrate, become actors of engagement due to exile and the necessity to maintain a link with the homeland. This can also signify a form of reconfiguration of activism regarding the long-distance relationship to the homeland and the different forces at play in the host country. As a result, the involvement in the Swedish society of the Palestinian community connotes a desire to maintain, at distance, a link with the homeland. But this reconfiguration of the political mobilisation is also a way to leave an imprint on the fabric of the Swedish society. Let’s see in the discussion the role of this Palestinian community, changing landscapes and mixing identity, through concrete studies cases.  IV. Discussion:

In the case of the Palestinian community in Sweden, we can notice different forms of mobilisation and engagement, regarding the action repertoire, established by these collective actors acting on behalf of the Palestinian diaspora. For the defence of the Palestinian cause, members of the diaspora organise themselves and implement different kinds of engagement in order to make the “Palestinian voice” heard, through transnational tools.

For instance, use of demonstration is a key element and networks will enable to structure it but also to spread it. Joining a demonstration in Malmö is a real form of engagement within an urban space. Networks used by the diaspora will improve the dissemination of the Palestinian cause, establishing a direct link between the gravity centre (homeland) and the periphery (host territory), which becomes the deterritorialized space of engagement. The use of the “human

 

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body” during demonstrations is another form of engagement that attests to the intensity of the mobilisation in exile. Indeed, lots of young members of the Palestinian diaspora strive to shout slogans during demonstrations. People’s attitudes reveal the force of the action and the will to reactive transnational links of the Palestinian community within the local Swedish society. Songs, kufiyahs, groupings, speeches, intergenerational presence, Palestinian flag: all components of the Palestinian identity are gathered during demonstrations. Then, pictures and videos of these events are broadcasted on the networks, giving to these forms of mobilisation a transnational dimension, relaying Palestinian home country and Swedish local society.

Another example: the mobilisation of the Palestinian diaspora is reflected in daily life actions within the urban space. The cosmopolitan city of Malmö is built around neighbourhoods that are both supports of Palestinians’ integration in Sweden and driving forces of their engagement. The Palestinian community invests in the urban space and this one is going to become more attractive in contact with middle-eastern traditions that are developed in some areas of the city. On the one hand, the Palestinian community is clearly established in the city of Malmö, but on the other, this community strengthens a space that Swedish people particularly appreciate, through the development of professional activities (restaurants, coffee places, grocery stores, jewelleries…).

Another case of engagement is achieved by investment of the urban space by Palestinian community through the development of solidarity activities. Indeed, Sweden enables organising communities’ bodies (such as associations) by giving a more central role to the civil society. In this respect, Palestinians in Malmö are able to create movements of solidarity within social, religious but also political structures, playing an important role in the Swedish society.

These forms of mobilisations can be integrated into the Palestinian diaspora’s networks in Sweden, as dynamics of mobilisation and within a space, which is support, motivation and challenge in the same time. Local mobilisations in Malmö are included in forms of transnationalised engagement within a space that gives to the Palestinian diaspora a specific kind of dynamism. Thus, the collective action of Palestinians diasporés in Malmö is (de)territorialised though migratory trajectories of each one, with a focus on involvement in the same cause, far-away from the homeland within a significant local space. A space of mobilisation such as the city of Malmö structures the collective action, crystallises the representations of the Palestinian identity and serves as support to transnational solidarities. Thus, past struggles are reactivated, particularly in Malmö, becoming an inherent part of space and identity.

Activities in diaspora carried out by the Palestinian community reflect what Lafleur calls “translocal politics”. Indeed, transnational practices of mobilisations developed from within the Swedish urban space in Malmö express specific initiatives of solidarity in order to ameliorate the situation of the Palestinian communities in localities of origin and host territories. These initiatives can become political one wen the hospitality anchor migrations’ capacities of action, through a frame and a welcome in harmony with resources they have. The 14th Conference of Palestinians in Europe, which was on the 7th of May in Malmö, perfectly illustrates it, with the appropriation of an urban space by a community sharing a same identity,

 

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a same cause, but with different trajectories and routes. These political activities between localities refer to initiatives taken by an immigrant community, who wants to maintain links with the homeland), but also to individuals, who are aiming for an improvement of their personal situation in the locality they are now installed. So, being “here” – in Europe, as individuals, will enable to them to maintain the sense of the Palestinian collective community there – in Middle East, by the development of transnational strategies.

Through these examples, we can say that in the host Swedish society, people who are coming from the same village or the same camp in Middle East will maintain close relations in order to strengthen this common attachment to the lost homeland. On the other hand, the transnational solidarity networks that these communities develop will enable them to build in exile their own identity and use their own socio-political capital.

Conclusion:

Thus, the different forms of links and engagements built by the Palestinian community in Malmö, through the development of transnational tools, will implicitly give visibility to this diaspora which wants to export its cause. Palestinians establish their place in the city by reconfiguring their activism in the form of a commitment within the urban territory by space and time investment. This allows them some collective recognition, while maintaining common Palestinian identity and differentiated paths. So, Malmö is the city of a Palestinian community that will anchor its participation in the public debate in several spheres that govern the urban life. Whether through the development of cultural, social or political activities, Palestinians, collectively, by their identity, but also individually, through their journey and mobility, will register their cause within an urban space that will be both support and driver of engagement in exile.

The urban space of Malmö allows Palestinian networks to expand, establishing themselves as symbols for mobilized actors between different places. This city is constitutive of identity, memory and mobilization that these migrant communities set up, appropriating political "translocal" space. The diaspora phenomenon creates massive challenges to nations states and civil societies, creating opportunities and new perspectives in our global world. The study of generated-conflict diasporas has therefore evolved into a burgeoning field of research that this paper wants to reveal, by focusing on a specific aspect of this dynamic: political mobilisation and activists’ resources.

 

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