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The Great War was not the only source of “Anxiety” for the interwar period. Another was the

series of revolutions that had taken place during the same period. Revolutions in China, Mexico, and

Russia overthrew long-standing authorities, and tried to organize their societies on new lines. These

challenges to established orders were likewise global challenges. How was the United States to interact

with a new Mexico to its south? What did the overthrow of a 2500 year-old imperial system in China

mean for western trade and the balance of power in the Pacific? How would democratic republics

respond to the Soviet Union’s call for World-wide Revolution?

1911 Revolution in China

Taiping Rebellion as a foreshadowing of the coming revolution:

The Taiping Rebellion spread through much of south China in the 1850s and early 1860s, and

almost overthrew the Qing dynasty. China was increasingly destabilized in the wake of the Opium Wars.

The Taipings offered sweeping programs for social reform, land redistribution, and the liberation of

women. They also attacked the traditional Confucian elite and the learning on which its claims to

authority rested.

Taiping soldiers

Taiping rebels smashed ancestral tables and shrines, and they proposed a simplified script and mass

literacy that would have undermined one of the scholar-gentry’s chief sources of power.

The attack on the scholar-gentry was one of the main causes of the Taipings’ ultimate defeat. The

gentry cooperated with government forces to ensure a military victory, but also to root out corruption in

the examination system and create the “self-strengthening movement” which was aimed at encouraging

western investment and western-style infrastructural improvements (in railroads, in the military), much

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like we saw with the Meiji Restoration in Japan. But Manchu rulers resisted far-reaching political and

social reforms—the imperial household and its allies clung to the old order.

By the end of the 19th century, sons of some of the scholar-gentry and especially of the merchants

in the port cities were becoming more and more involved in secret society operations (triads) and other

activities aimed at overthrowing the regime. Because many of these young men had received European-

style educations, their resistance was aimed at more than just getting rid of the Manchus. They

envisioned power passing to Western-educated, reformist leaders who would build a new, strong nation-

state in China pattered after those of the West, rather than simply establishing yet another imperial

dynasty. For aspiring revolutionaries such as Sun Yat-sen, who emerged as one of their most articulate

advocates, seizing power was also seen as a way to enact desperately needed social programs to relieve

the misery of the peasants and urban workers.

Dr. Sun Yat-sen

Although they drew heavily on the West for ideas and organizational models, the revolutionaries

from the rising middle classes were deeply hostile to the involvement of the imperialist powers in Chinese

affairs. They also condemned the Manchus for failing to control the foreigners. The young rebels cut off

their queues in defiance of the Manchu order that all ethnic Chinese wear their hair in this fashion. They

joined in uprisings fomented by the secret societies or plotted assassinations and acts of sabotage on their

own. Attempts to coordinate an all-China rising failed on several occasions because of personal

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animosities or incompetence. But in late 1911, opposition to the government’s reliance on the western

powers for railway loans led to secret society uprisings, student demonstrations, and mutinies on the part

of imperial troops.

When key provincial officials refused to put down the spreading rebellion, the Manchus had no choice but

to abdicate. In February 1912, the last emperor of China, a small boy named Puyi,

was deposed, and one of the more powerful provincial lords was asked to establish a republican

government in China.

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The revolution of 1911 toppled the Qing dynasty, but in many ways a more important turning

point for Chinese civilization had been reached in 1905. In that year, the civil service exams were given

for the last time. Reluctantly, even the ultraconservative advisors of the empress Cixi had concluded that

solutions to China’s predicament could no longer be found in the Confucian learning the exams tested. In

fact, the abandonment of the exams signaled the end of a pattern of civilized life the Chinese had nurtured

for nearly 2500 years. The mix of philosophies and values that had come to be known as the Confucian

system, the massive civil bureaucracy, rule by an educated and cultivated scholar-gentry elite, and even

the artistic accomplishments of the old order came under increasing criticism in the early 20 th century.

Many of these hallmarks of the most enduring civilization that has ever existed were violently destroyed.

THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION 1910-20 Tierra y Libertad

In 1910, in Mexico, urban and rural leaders rose up against the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz

(1830-1915) [Alas poor Mexico! So far from God, and so close to the US!] who had been ruling the

country since 1876. At the age of 80, Diaz seemed poised to retire from the presidency. Under his

leadership Mexico had seen the development of mining, oil drilling, and railways, in addition to

increasing exports of raw agricultural products. The middle-class urban creole elite had prospered, but

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the salaries of the urban workers had declined, and rural peasants had fared even worse. 95% of the rural

peasantry owned no land, while fewer than 200 Mexican families owned 25% of the land, and foreign

investors owned another 20-25%. One single hacienda spread over 13 million acres and another over 11

million. Huge tracts of land lay fallow and unused while peasants went hungry. Finally, on a political

level, no system of orderly succession had been worked out for Mexico. The reins of power rested in the

hands of Díaz and his allies alone.

Porfiro Diaz Francisco Madero

In 1910, Diaz decided not to retire after all, and ran again for president. In spite of the ostensible

free vote for a limited electorate, Diaz imprisoned his principal challenger, Francisco Madero. Diaz won

the election, but rebellions against his continuing rule broke out across Mexico and he soon resigned and

went into exile in Paris. Various regional leaders then asserted their influence as Mexico sank into civil

war. The warfare was both personal and factional. It concerned differences in policy among the factions

and the appropriate division of power between the central government and the states.

Many of the leaders who contested for power were mestizo, people of mixed race and culture,

who demanded a dramatic break with the past control by the creole elite.

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Villa & Zapata

The two most radical, Francisco “Pancho” Villa (1877-1923) from the northern border region and

Emiliano Zapata (1879-1919) from the state of Morelos, just south of Mexico City, advocated significant

land reform, and implemented it in the areas they captured during the civil war. They attracted mixed

groups of followers, including farm workers, agricultural colonists, former soldiers, unemployed laborers,

cowboys, and rabble. In November 1911 Zapata declared the revolutionary Plan of Ayala, which called

for the return of land to Indian Pueblos (villages). Tens of thousands of impoverished peasants followed

him, heeding his cry of “Tierra y Libertad”—“Land and Liberty”—and accepting his view that it was

“Better to die on one’s feet than to live on one’s knees.” Zapata’s supporters seized large sugar estates,

haciendas with which they had been in conflict for years. By including previously scorned groups,

especially the peasantry, and attending to their agendas, the revolution became more radical and agrarian.

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With Diaz in exile, Madero became president, but he was removed by a coup, and then

assassinated in 1913. General Victoriano Huerta (1854-1916) attempted to take over and to re-establish a

repressive government like that of Diaz. Opposed by all the other major leaders—Venustiano Carranza,

Álvaro Obregón, Plutarco Elias Calles, Villa, and Zapata—and also by President Woodrow Wilson of the

United States, who sent American troops into Veracruz to express his displeasure with Huerta, the general

was forced from power in March 1914. Obregón (1880-1928), another general, who made free use of the

machine gun, won out militarily, but he agreed to serve under Carranza (1859-1920), who had himself

installed as provisional president.

Alvaro Obregon Venustiano Carranza

The civil war continued and control of Mexico City changed hands several times, but ultimately

the more conservative leaders, Carranza and Obregón, forced out Villa and Zapata. Carranza became

president in 1916 and convened a constituent assembly which produced the Mexican Constitution of

1917, promising land reform and imposing restrictions on foreign economic control. It protected

Mexican workers by passing a labor code including minimum salaries and maximum hours, accident

insurance, pensions, social benefits, and the right to unionize and strike. It placed severe restrictions on

the church and clergy, denying them the rights to own property and to provide primary education. (Most

of the revolutionaries were anti-clerical. Zapata was an exception in this, as the peasantry who followed

him were extremely devoted to the church.) The constitution also decreed that no foreigner could be a

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minister or priest in Mexico, vote, hold office, or criticize the government. (this is a response to the power

Diaz had given to foreigners in Mexico).

Enacting the new laws was easier than implementing them, but having the new constitution in

place set a standard of accountability for government and served as a beacon for the continuing

revolution. On the material level, not much changed at first. In 1920 Obregón deposed Carranza and

became president. He distributed 3 million acres of land to peasants, 10% of the peasantry benefited.

This redistribution helped to establish the principles of the revolution (Tierra!), demonstrating good faith

on the part of the state and putting new land into production, although the state did not provide the

technical assistance needed to improve productivity. Politically, Obregón began to include new

constituencies in his government, including the labor movement, represented by a Labor Party, and the

peasants, represented by a National Agrarian party. The institutionalization of their presence in

government promised new stability through wider representation. The representation, everyone

recognized, was not only by social class but also by ethnicity and culture. Mestizos and even indigenous

Indians achieved a place in government.

Warfare continued, however, partly in the form of factional struggles among the various leaders,

partly between the government and the church. Obregón was assassinated in 1924, and Plutarco Elias

Calles became president.

Calles

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The new ruling caudillos viewed the church as a rival for power, and as the government began to extend

and enforce its anti-clerical policies in the mid-1920s, many of the clergy went on strike, refusing to

perform services. The peasantry supported the clergy, and as many as 50,000 armed peasants confronted

the government in the War of the Cristeros.

Blessed Miguel Pro, shortly before his execution in the Cristero War

Calles backed down, allowing the anti-clerical legislation to lapse, and beginning a more sensitive

accommodation between church and state, which has remained and deepened to the present. The

government also entered into an alliance with the largest national labor confederation, the Confederación

Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM).

In 1928 Calles institutional a new, more comprehensive party, the National Revolutionary Party,

which was the forerunner of today’s Party of Institutionalized Revolution (PRI). The broad internal

representation of the PRI elevated the party above the individual, solved the problem of succession in

leadership, and brought an institutional stability to Mexico that has endured until today. Rule by

caudillos (strongmen ruling on their own authority) was largely ended. No other Latin American country

experienced such a fundamental program of radical revolution and agrarian reform until the 1950s.

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Under Lázaro Cárdenas (1895-1970), president

from 1934 to 1940, the PRI pushed the reforms still further. Cárdenas redistributed 45 million acres of

land, starting a process by which 253 million acres would be redistributed by 1984. (Nevertheless, a

rapidly expanding population has left several million peasants still landless—in absolute terms more than

at the time of the revolution.) Cárdenas also stood up to foreign control of Mexico'’ economy by

nationalizing Mexico’s oil industry in 1938. Cárdenas established a new level of national pride in

Mexico. His decision to retire from presidential politics at the end of his term in 1940 helped stabilize the

structure of the modern Mexican state.

The PRI envisioned a one-party state which would include all the major interest groups and the

contest for political power would take place within the party. The party, it argued, could institutionalize

the revolution. Most analysts have been skeptical of both claims, however, arguing that a single party

cannot balance all major factions indefinitely and that political revolutions cannot be institutionalized.

Fox was the first non-PRI president elected.

Russian Revolution

It is appropriate to compare the French and Russian revolutions, since both made their effects felt

throughout many countries for many years. Both were movements of liberation, one against feudalism

and despotism, the other against capitalism and imperialism. Neither focused solely on domestic

concerns; both promoted a world-wide message of republic or revolution. Both attracted followers in

many countries, and both raised a strong reaction in those whose way of life was endangered by the

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revolution. And both followed the same pattern of revolutionary politics: first, a relative unity as long as

the object was the overthrow of the old regime; second, disunity and conflict over the founding of the new

government, resulting in the survival of a single minority revolutionary group (Jacobins in 1793,

Bolsheviks in 1918) that advanced the revolutionary cause; and finally, the suppression or liquidation of

most of the original revolutionary leaders.

Leading up to 1905, the situation in Russia had been one of industrialization and economic

westernization at the urging of Sergei Witte, prime minister to the czar. Witte’s plan led to rapid

industrialization, European investment in Russia, and increased contacts between west and east.

Industrialization brought an increase in both the business and wage-earning classes: the

bourgeoisie and proletariat, to use Marxist terminology. Each began to develop their political interests,

reflected in the formation of new political parties.

The bourgeoisie was somewhat weaker than the new Russian proletariat class since so much of

Russian industry was either in the hands of foreign investors, or owned by the state in the person of the

Tsar. In fact, Russia had the largest state-operated economy system in the world in 1905. Nevertheless,

the rising business and professional classes, together with forward-looking landowners, formed the

Constitutional Democratic party in 1905 (Cadets), representing the liberal segment of public opinion.

They were more concerned with having a nationally elected parliament to control state policies than with

factory working conditions.

Revolutionary parties

There were two traditional sources of revolutionary fervor in Russia. One was the peasants, the

other the intelligentsia. The peasants formed 4/5 of the population, most of whom lived in their mirs, or

village communes, where land division and allocation was by community agreement, and where nobody

could leave without community permission. Peasants carried a heavy tax burden. Most of their best

product went for export—they’re bearing some of the major costs of industrialization. The peasants

constantly want more land to relieve their burdens—and feel they’re entitled to ever greater proportions

of the land on which they, or their forefathers, had been serfs. Rural population solidly divided into two

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mutually exclusive groups: peasants of all types, who worked the soil, and the gentry, who resided upon

it.

Revolutionary Intelligentsia wanted a catastrophic overthrow of the tsar, not just liberal reform

(like the Cadets). They formed secret organizations, and spent most of their time debating and refining

their political theories. Most of the revolutionary intelligentsia were “populists.” They believed in the

power of the Russian people, and since most of the people were peasants, populists were interested in

peasant problems and peasant welfare. They admired the Russian communal village, which represented

to them the European socialist idea of the “commune.” While they read and respected Marx and Engels,

they did not believe that the proletariat was the only true revolutionary class. Nor did they believe that

capitalism had to precede socialism—they believed that Russia, with its strong peasant revolutionary

tradition, could skip right over the capitalist phase into socialism. They also believed that the revolution

could come quite soon. The populist ideas crystallized into the Social Revolutionary party (SRs),

founded in 1901.

Another arm of the revolutionary intelligentsia turned to Marxism. They found that the peasants

weren’t exhibiting any revolutionary tendencies, while the urban proletariat were quite busy going on

strike, etc. and otherwise acting revolutionary. Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin all were part of the Marxist

party, the Russian Social Democratic Labor party, formed in 1898. The Social Democrats (SDs) weren’t

more revolutionary than the SRs, they just had a different concept of revolution—a Marxist one. They

saw the revolution as an international movement, part of the process of world history. To the SDs, the

urban proletariat was the true revolutionary class, and they looked upon the peasants with suspicion, even

ridicule. They also abhorred the SRs.

In 1903 the SDs split into two factions, mainly on the issue of tactics and organization. Lenin

became the leader of the Bolsheviks (means majority, though from shortly after the split they were

usually the minority faction). The Bolsheviks wanted to restrict the party to a small revolutionary elite of

hard core workers. The Bolshevik faction was strongly centralized, with the party line being determined

by the central committee alone. Those with differences of opinion would be purged from the party

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membership. The Bolsheviks were rigid Marxists, believing in irreconcilable class struggle. The

Mensheviks (the rival faction) wanted party membership more open, including sympathizers. The party

membership as a whole would help determine party policy. Policy differences were to be bridged, and

they recommended cooperation with the Cadets. The Mensheviks came to resemble the socialist parties

of western Europe.

Revolution of 1905

These new political parties were one signal of political discontent. All functioned mostly as

propaganda agencies (there were no elective offices to run candidates for) all operated mostly

underground, heavily watched by the Tsar’s secret police. At the same time, there are other growing

signs of popular unrest: strikes, peasants trespassing on gentry lands, sporadic uprisings against tax

collectors. [The revolution of 1905 was the workers saying they’ve had enough. Their march in St.

Petersburg reflected the discontent of all strata of society.] Specific complaints? Workers: no union

representation to alleviate their complaints of bad working conditions, no right to complain. Landed

classes: taxes too high, no real income—families on brink of starvation, unjust political conditions and no

justice. Intelligentsia: they want liberal reforms like western Europe, constitutional monarchy,

democracy, trade protection. Subject nationalities: they want more autonomy.

Government refuses to make any concessions as 1905 approaches. The tsar (since 1894)

Nicholas II, regarded all criticisms as childish and un-Russian. He had no sympathy whatsoever for the

idea that persons outside government should have any control on persons inside government—he’s a

complete autocrat.

The government, seeking to ameliorate some of the unrest, allowed a priest, Father Gapon, to

organize the St. Petersburg factory workers.

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Father Gapon (2nd from left) Tsar Nicholas II

The workers and Gapon believed that if only the Tsar heard the true nature of their complaints, he

would be horrified to learn of their troubles and move immediately to rectify the situation, saving them

from the evil capitalists. What are their requests? 8 hr day, minimum wage of 1 ruble per day,

democratically elected constituent assembly to introduce representative govt. The workers march on the

Winter Palace on a Sunday in Jan. 1905 to express their discontent, a sign of the discontent of all strata of

society. As you know, the 200,000 men women and children singing in front of the Tsar’s Winter Palace

in Jan. 1905 are shot at by troops, who kill several hundred: Bloody Sunday.

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The Tsar didn’t want to let go of his unlimited power, and yielded little. Finally, with the country

essentially shut down through a general strike in October 1905, he issued his October Manifesto (in the

sources). What does he promise? Constitution, civil liberties, and a Duma to be elected by all classes

alike.

The tsar hoped to divide the opposition by releasing the Oct. Manifesto, and they succeeded. The

Constitutional Democrats thought with the creation of the Duma, all social problems would be henceforth

solved through parliament. Cadet supporters (liberals, industrialists, and landowners) were frightened by

the revolutionary impulses which had been let loose, and were hoping the Manifesto would be the

solution. But workers and peasants weren’t satisfied—their demands hadn’t been met. The revolutionary

intellectuals tried to keep the revolution going, until their demands had been met too.

With the tsar’s opposition divided, and half of it neutralized, though, the revolution of 1905 came

to an end, and the government could reassert itself. Revolutionary leaders went again into exile, or

underground, or faced arrest and/or execution.

It was WWI which finally spelled the end of the tsarist regime. The war brought not only

logistical hardships to Russia, but reawakened all the old political debates of 1905. Conservative forces

around the tsar believed that a victory would enable them to crush liberalism and constitutionalism in

Russia once and for all. On the other hand, all elements of the population were increasingly dissatisfied

with the government.

February 1917 began bitterly cold. Life in Petrograd was unruly. The streets of Petrograd were

filled with ice. Food lines lengthened. There were 170,000 troops in the city, double the peacetime

garrison, but the secret police thought them to be "raw, untrained material, unfit to put down civil

disorders." The best troops, of course, were at the front. On February 14th, police agents reported that

army officers had, for the first time, mingled with the crowds demonstrating against the war and the

government. Food hoarding was common. Wood for heating was beyond the means of the poor and the

temperature in middle class flats was kept just above freezing. Grain trains on their way to the capital

were blocked by heavy snowfalls. International Woman's Day was held on Thursday, February 23rd

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(March 8, new style). This gave an excuse for women from textile plants to stream into the streets

shouting, "Down with hunger! Bread for the workers!" [Women and bread riots again].

They pelted the windows of the engineering shops to bring the men out. While such disorders were

nothing new, the attitude of the authorities seemed to have changed. Crowds began overturning tramcars

and sacked a large bakery. The "Pharaohs," slang for the police, stood by and did nothing. Agents of the

secret police noticed that skilled workers now joined the strikers. The agitators working the crowds no

longer bothered to pull their overcoats over their heads in order to hide their faces. The troops hesitated

when they were told to disperse the crowds. A Cossack officer shouted at some strikers led by an old

woman, "Who are you following? You are being led by an old crone." The woman replied, "No old crone,

but a sister and wife of soldiers at the front." Someone yelled, "Cossacks, you are our brothers, you can't

shoot us." In one instance, when a Cossack unit was ordered to charge, the horsemen rode delicately in

single file through the crowd. "Some of them smiled and one actually winked," wrote one observer.

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The first revolution of 1917 (the February or March revolution, depending on what calendar you

use) was over quickly (March 8-12). The official death toll was 1224, the equivalent of a few hours’

casualties in the war. But in the aftermath there were two governments in Petrograd. The Provisional

Government, dominated by middle-class members of the Duma, and the Soviet of workers' and soldiers'

deputies. The two governments represented different classes and sharply different political platforms. The

Soviet wanted an eight hour day, land grants to the peasants, an army with voluntary discipline and

elected officers, and an end to the war. The Provisional Government, on the other hand, wished to

continue the war and to keep social change at a minimum.

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Alexander Kerensky

The most important leader of the Provisional government was Alexander Kerensky. Kerensky

was an SR, firmly committed to the overthrow of the tsar, and he almost single-handedly had committed

the Duma to the revolution on Mar. 12. The Provisional Government called for elections by universal

male suffrage to a Constituent Assembly, which was supposed to meet late in the year and prepare a new

constitution. The PG also tried to continue the war against Germany. They mounted a new offensive in

July, but the Russian were quickly routed—they didn’t want to be there anymore. At the front armies

melted away, high officers refused to serve the new republic, and many peasants just quit and went home

—they wanted to be there for the promised land redistribution, or the looting, whichever came first. Back

in Petrograd, the Petrograd Soviet called for a speedy end to the war, in opposition to the PG. PG decides

the best thing to do is extend democracy to the front lines, permitting command to be effected by

committees elected by officers and men. Discipline, not surprisingly, collapsed.

The Bolsheviks had played little role in the revolution of Feb/Mar 1917. Lenin wanted to return

to Petrograd and undermine the war effort. The Swedes would not help return him but the Germans

offered a sealed railway car which would take Lenin across enemy lines and back to Russia. "It was with

a sense of awe," wrote Winston Churchill of Lenin's German support, "that they turned upon Russia the

most grisly of all weapons. They transported Lenin in a sealed truck like a plague bacillus into Russia."

Lenin arrived at Petrograd's Finland Station late at night on April 3 and gave a speech before he had even

left the platform. In three sentences, Lenin outlined the Bolshevik program and his contempt for the

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Provisional Government: "The people need peace. The people need bread and land. And they give

you war, hunger, no food, and the land remains with the landowners."

Lenin arrives at Finland Station

Lenin adapted the Bolshevik program to what most people seemed to want: (1) immediate peace

with the Central Powers; (2) redistribution of land to the peasants; (3) transfer of factories, mines, and

other industrial plants from the capitalists to committees of workers in each plant; and (4) recognition of

the soviets as the supreme power instead of the Provisional Govt. He’s promising them peace, land and

bread. The Bolsheviks used this four-point program, and a variety of political strategies, including

infiltration of political opponents, to win majority support in the Petrograd Soviet and in soviets all over

the country.

On the night of Nov. 6-7, 1917, the Bolsheviks launched their revolution, taking over telephone

exchanges, railway stations, and electric power plants in the city. A warship aimed its guns on the Winter

Palace, where Kerensky’s government sat. The PG could find no defenders. A newly assembled

Congress of Soviets pronounced the PG defunct and named in its place a Council of People’s

Commissars, with Lenin as its head. Trotsky was named commissar for foreign affairs, Stalin commissar

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for nationalities. Kerensky fled, eventually comes to the US, to Stanford where he teaches seminars on

the Russian Revolution until his death in 1970.

First order of business at the Congress of Soviets: Lenin introduces two resolutions. One calls

for a “just democratic peace” without annexations and without indemnities; the second “abolished all

landlord property” immediately and without compensation.

This, then, was the Bolshevik, or November, revolution. Still, the long-awaited Constituent

Assembly had to be dealt with. It met in January 1918. 36 million people had voted for it. Of these, 9

million had voted for Bolshevik deputies—demonstrating the mass appeal of the party. Almost 21

million had voted for Kerensky’s party, the agrarian, populist, peasant-oriented SRs. Lenin said, “to hand

over power to the Constituent Assembly would again be compromising with the malignant bourgeoisie.”

The Assembly was broken up on the second day of its sessions; armed sailors surrounded it. Dissolution

of the Constituent Assembly was a frank repudiation of majority rule in favor of “class rule”—to be

BolsheviksStorming the WinterPalace, Nov. 1917.

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exercised for the proletariat by the Bolsheviks. The dictatorship of the proletariat was not established.

Two months later, in March 1918, the Bolsheviks renamed themselves the communist party.

Conclusions/Comparisons

What do these three revolutions have in common? What sets them apart from each other?

1. One commonality is the duration of the revolution. In China and in Russia there are “pre-

revolutions”, while the Mexican revolution continues, actually, for years. The three examples indicate

that revolution is a long and sometimes messy process.

2. In each case one factor in the revolution is frustration at the presence and privileged position of

foreigners in the country.

3. Class differences play an important role in each revolution. Most notably, in all three cases

one rallying cry is for land reform.

4. In each instance the first government after the revolution is a constitutional democracy.

5. Revolutions happen in countries that are trying to industrialize rapidly and compete with the

West.

Differences?

1. Soviet Union the only one to have a communist revolution. (In China that won’t happen for

another 30 years).

2. Can you think of more?